
Gender-based polarisation is making democratic consensus harder to achieve
Lee now faces the daunting task of healing a deeply divided nation. Divisions extend beyond ideological lines, increasingly shaped by gender-based polarisation. Young women predominantly support progressive parties like Lee's Democratic Party (DP), while young men seem to back conservative forces like the People Power Party (PPP) and New Reform Party (NRP).
Gender polarisation in South Korea
While older generations often lean towards conservatives, what stands out in South Korea is the rising conservatism among Gen Z men, who now form the base of conservative/right-wing support. Young women, on the other hand, form the core of the progressive support base.
Exit polls reflected a stark gender divide among Korean young voters. Only 24 per cent of men in their 20s supported Lee (DP), while a combined 74.1 per cent backed conservatives. In contrast, 58.1 per cent of women in the same age group voted for Lee. A similar pattern was also noticed among voters in their 30s.
Gender division was also evident during the impeachment protests. Young men in their 20s and 30s largely joined pro-Yoon rallies, while young women dominated anti-Yoon demonstrations.
Why the divide?
South Korea performs poorly on most gender equality metrics. In 2025, the gender pay gap remained the highest in the OECD at 31.2 per cent.
Despite these disparities, many young South Korean men (especially in their 20s) are turning conservative. Academics attribute this shift to socio-economic anxieties, including unemployment, military service, perceived loss of male privileges, and feelings of marginalisation and reverse discrimination, as women gain ground in traditionally male-dominated fields like education and employment.
Online platforms, particularly male-dominated communities like Ilbe, have also become echo chambers for anti-feminist narratives and resentment-driven identity politics. Moreover, nationwide feminist movements like 4B, MeToo, Escape the Corset, and the Hyewha station protests against spy-camera voyeurism (molka) gained traction. These, however, also deepened gender divides. 'Feminism' became a slur, with many young men perceiving it as a threat rather than a push for equality.
Why do men vote for conservatives?
Political analysts Robert E Kelly and Jaekwon Suh note that many South Korean voters support one party mainly out of opposition to the other, with partisan divides increasingly driven by emotion rather than clear policy-based ideological distinctions.
Parties like DP and PPP have tapped into emotional divides, especially around gender. Many young men feel alienated by the DP and support the PPP, which they see as defending their interests, reflected in Yoon's 2022 pledge to abolish the Gender Equality Ministry and blaming feminism for the country's low birth rate.
In 2025, the conservative vote was split. Lee, known for his anti-feminist stance, tried to rally disaffected young men using Yoon's anti-women and pro-men playbook. PPP's leader Kim Moon-soo, also alienated women by remarking that 'women would rather raise dogs than have children'.
Global Political Division between young men and women
South Korea is not the only country experiencing political polarisation along gender lines. In many democracies, young men are increasingly gravitating toward conservatism, though the underlying causes vary.
In the 2024 US presidential election, as per the AP VoteCast survey, Kamala Harris maintained an advantage among women, winning 53 per cent of their votes compared to Trump's 46 per cent. In contrast, Trump gained ground among men (including Black and Latino men), securing 54 per cent of their support.
After the overturning of Roe v Wade in 2022, reproductive rights became a central issue for women. However, Trump's rhetoric dismissed women's concerns and appealed to male grievances about gender equality. Trump and Harris also strategically targeted gendered audiences. For instance, Trump appeared on The Joe Rogan Experience podcast, popular among young men, while Harris joined the Call Her Daddy podcast, which appeals to women under 35.
In Germany's 2025 election, about 35 per cent of women between the ages of 18 and 24 voted for the far-left Die Linke Party, while 27 per cent of young men voted for the far-right Alternative for Germany (AFD party).
What lies ahead?
Gender-based polarisation is making democratic consensus harder to achieve. Instead of supporting a party's vision, voters increasingly vote against perceived threats to their identity.
This weakens democracies, making politics more personal, polarised, and confrontational.
Across the globe, young men and women are growing further apart in their worldviews. This growing gender divide is particularly concerning, as it may even affect Gen Z's ability to form relationships and start families — an alarming trend for countries like South Korea that are already facing declining birthrates.
The writer is a Research Assistant at the Council for Strategic and Defence Research (CSDR) and a PhD Scholar in Korean Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
&w=3840&q=100)

Business Standard
an hour ago
- Business Standard
Legacy of U-turns: Timeline of Nitish Kumar's alliance shifts over a decade
With Bihar elections due in late 2025, speculation mounts over whether the state's longest-serving chief minister, Nitish Kumar, will stay the course with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) or rewrite political equations yet again. Once hailed as a governance reformer and now equally known for his alliance U-turns, Kumar has, over three decades, shaped—and reshaped—Bihar's politics through a string of strategic shifts between the NDA, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and Lalu Prasad Yadav's RJD-led alliances. The man once hailed as 'Sushasan Babu' is now equally known for his alliance acrobatics. From 1994 to 2025, Nitish has rewritten coalition logic in Bihar—and, at times, reshaped national politics. Here's a look back at the flipbook of flips that defined his career—and what it could mean for Bihar in 2025. Why it matters Nitish Kumar's frequent alliance shifts aren't just a Bihar story—they've disrupted national opposition strategies, unsettled BJP-Congress dynamics, and altered the arithmetic of anti-BJP coalitions. In Bihar, each realignment resets governance priorities and voter trust. To some, Kumar is a master strategist navigating fractured mandates; to others, an opportunist looking to seize power at every turn. Either way, his next move could once again reshape both state and national politics. Who is Nitish Kumar? Born in 1951 in Bakhtiyarpur near Patna, Nitish Kumar entered politics during the JP Movement of the 1970s. A qualified electrical engineer, he was first elected to the Bihar Assembly in 1985 and soon rose to national prominence. By the 1990s, he was a central figure in the post-Mandal political order, aligning with George Fernandes to form the Samata Party—a precursor to today's Janata Dal (United), or JD(U). A career of realignments Nitish Kumar's first brush with power came through his association with Lalu Prasad Yadav during the JP Movement in the 1970s. Their partnership, forged in student politics, brought Yadav to power in 1990 with Kumar's backing. But in 1994, the alliance fractured. Citing concerns over Lalu's growing control of the Janata Dal, Kumar and George Fernandes formed the Samata Party, marking the beginning of Kumar's independent political journey. By 2000, Kumar aligned with the BJP, briefly becoming chief minister. Though that government lasted just seven days, it set the stage for a more stable NDA regime in 2005. The alliance won re-election in 2010, riding on Kumar's image as a governance-focused leader who had improved law and order and launched schemes for marginalised groups like Mahadalits and EBCs. The first break: 2013 In 2013, Kumar severed ties with the BJP after Narendra Modi became the head of the party's campaign committee and was declared its prime ministerial candidate. Calling for a 'Sangh-mukt Bharat,' he said the BJP's leadership no longer reflected the secular image the NDA once held. ' Mitti mein mil jaayenge, BJP ke saath wapas nahi jaayenge (We will perish but won't join forces with BJP again),' he famously declared. The JD(U) continued briefly with outside support from the Congress and CPI, but Kumar resigned as CM in 2014 following the party's Lok Sabha losses. Mahagathbandhan and its collapse In 2015, Nitish Kumar returned as CM with backing from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) party and Congress under the Mahagathbandhan banner. The alliance swept the Assembly elections, defeating the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (nda). But in July 2017, amid allegations against then Deputy CM Tejashwi Yadav, Kumar resigned and returned to the NDA. The move drew sharp criticism, with the RJD calling it a betrayal and accusing Kumar of using the corruption probe as a pretext. Tensions within the NDA The BJP-JD(U) alliance persisted through the 2020 elections, though the JD(U)'s reduced seat tally. partly attributed to Lok Janshakti Party rebel candidates, soured relations. Less than two years into his term, Nitish Kumar once again resigned in August 2022, accusing the BJP of trying to destabilise his party and government. He stitched together a fresh alliance with RJD, Congress and Left parties—returning as CM for the eighth time, with Tejashwi Yadav as deputy. His re-entry into the opposition camp was seen as a national move. He hosted the first INDIA bloc meeting in Patna in 2023. At the time, he was regarded as a potential convenor of the alliance, even fuelling quiet speculation about his prime ministerial ambitions. RJD leader Shivanand Tiwary summed up the Grand Alliance's view: 'If Nitish chooses to dump NDA, what choice do we have except to embrace him?' January 2024: Return to NDA again On January 28, 2024, Nitish Kumar joined the BJP-led NDA again, marking his third formal tie-up with the party since 2000. The immediate impact was political disarray within the INDIA alliance, of which Kumar had become a key figure. His exit followed Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress announcing its decision to go solo in West Bengal. According to Business Standard 's editorial on January 29, Kumar's return to the NDA 'may not change the fortunes of Bihar,' but it effectively 'spells the decimation' of INDIA. The editorial also highlighted internal tensions, including the Congress's failure to consult key allies before launching the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra. While critics saw Kumar's moves as driven by political expediency, supporters argue they reflect a realism about regional and caste dynamics. The BJP, for its part, responded with tactical moves—appointing deputy chief ministers from Koeri and Bhumihar communities and affirming commitment to caste inclusion. Assembly elections overview The Bihar Legislative Assembly is made up of 243 seats. In the 2020 Assembly elections, the NDA led by the BJP and JD(U), along with partners like VIP and HAM(S), secured a slim majority with 125 seats. The Mahagathbandhan (RJD–Congress–Left parties) captured 110 seats, with the RJD emerging as the single largest party at 75 seats, closely followed by the BJP at 74 seats, and the JD(U) winning 43. What next for Nitish Kumar? Despite his age and repeated suggestions of grooming Tejashwi Yadav as his successor, few are willing to write off Kumar's ability to surprise. As Bihar heads toward elections in 2025, the central question remains: Will Nitish Kumar remain with the NDA, or is another pivot still possible? Timeline: Nitish Kumar's alliance shifts 1994: Broke from Lalu Prasad Yadav's Janata Dal and founded the Samata Party with George Fernandes. 2000 (March): Became chief minister for the first time, backed by the BJP-led NDA; the government lasted just 7 days. 2003: Formation of Janata Dal (United) through a merger of the Samata Party, Lok Shakti, and a faction of Janata Dal; remained in alliance with the NDA. 2005 & 2010: Won two consecutive full terms as CM in alliance with the BJP, establishing himself as a governance-focused leader. 2013 (June): Split from the NDA after Narendra Modi was named BJP's prime ministerial candidate; distanced himself over ideological concerns and moved toward forming a new alliance. 2014 (May): Resigned after JD(U)'s poor performance in the general elections; Jitan Ram Manjhi briefly took over as CM. 2015 (February): Returned as CM after internal party dissent; later that year, the JD(U), RJD, and Congress formed the Mahagathbandhan, which won the Assembly elections. 2017 (July): Exited the Mahagathbandhan amid corruption charges against RJD leaders and rejoined the NDA; began his sixth term as CM. 2020: Re-elected as CM with NDA support, though the BJP won more seats than JD(U), altering the power balance within the alliance. 2022 (August): Broke ties with the NDA again, accusing the BJP of undermining allies; rejoined the RJD, Congress, and Left parties to form another Mahagathbandhan government—his eighth term. 2024 (January): Left the Mahagathbandhan once more and rejoined the NDA, forming a new government—his ninth term as chief minister.


News18
an hour ago
- News18
Samsung Electronics shares gain on Apple chip deal
Seoul [South Korea], August 7 (ANI): Shares of Samsung Electronics rose sharply in early trading Thursday following reports that the tech giant will manufacture Apple's next-generation chips at its US-based foundry plant, as per Pulse of 9:15am, Samsung was trading at 70,000 won (USD 50.45) on the Korea Exchange, up 1.74 per cent from the previous session, reclaiming the symbolic '70,000 club" sentiment was buoyed by news that Apple is strengthening its collaboration with Samsung and other partners as part of a broader investment expansion in the United States. Market watchers also suggested that Samsung could be a key beneficiary of US tariffs on semiconductor imports proposed by US President Donald an Apple investment announcement event held at the White House early Thursday (Korea time), Trump reiterated his plan to impose a 100 per cent tariff on certain chip products. However, he added that chips manufactured at US-based facilities would be exempt from the tariff–positioning Samsung's local operations favorably, as per shares of eco-friendly plastic and packaging companies rallied early Thursday after reports emerged that the Korean government is pushing a national roadmap for plastic reduction as part of its key policy of 9:18am, shares of Samryoong were up 8.44 per cent to 9,510 won, while Serim B&G and EcoPlastic rose 4.75 per cent and 1.36 per cent, to media reports, the Ministry of Environment recently submitted a detailed implementation plan for the roadmap to the Presidential Planning Committee. During his confirmation hearing last month, Environment Minister Kim Sung-hwan pledged to finalise the roadmap by year-end, emphasising a transition from a one-way consumption model to a circular economy Electronics shares closed at 70,500 won on Thursday, up 2.47 per cent from the previous day. Shares of Samryoong stayed flat at 8,770 won while those of Serim B&G finished 0.16 per cent lower at 1,827 won and EcoPlastic 1.36 per cent lower at 3,635 won, as per Pulse. (ANI)


The Print
2 hours ago
- The Print
Why BJP is scrambling to contain fallout as Mumbai's Jains take to streets, 2nd time this yr
On Wednesday, Jains turned up in large numbers outside the Dadar 'kabutarkhana', which stands alongside a Jain temple, and attempted to dismantle the tarpaulin cover put up by the BMC over the 'kabutarkhana'. The protest caused massive chaos and traffic disruption in the already congested site. This time, the protests are against a decision of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) to shut down all 'kabutarkhanas' (pigeon-feeding spots) in the city and penalise those feeding pigeons, owing to concerns over health and hygiene. The BMC decision followed a Bombay High Court directive, arising out of health concerns over the uncontrolled feeding of pigeons across the city. Mumbai: For the second time this year, there has been a wave of protests by members of the Jain community on the streets of Mumbai against the city's civic body, which is now under the control of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Mahayuti government in Maharashtra. On Tuesday, following sporadic protests by the Jain community in various parts of Mumbai, Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis intervened in the matter, emphasising respect for public sentiments. He proposed regulated feeding and mechanised cleaning of the pigeon droppings and directed the BMC to ensure the same, as well as inform the Bombay High Court of the state government's stance Thursday. 'Whatever happened (Wednesday) was wrong. CM Fadnavis ji had heard everyone and given appropriate directions … I would like to request everyone to maintain peace and not take law into their hands,' BJP leader Mangal Prabhat Lodha, a minister in the Maharashtra government and guardian minister of the Mumbai suburbs, told reporters at the Dadar 'kabutarkhana'. The Jain community has also been participating in protests against the relocation of a 36-year-old elephant, Mahadevi, earlier housed at the Jain Math in Nandini village, Kolhapur, to the Vantara elephant sanctuary in Gujarat, as directed by the court. On Wednesday, CM Fadnavis held talks with Vantara officials, who offered to build a dedicated elephant rehabilitation facility in Kolhapur. The protests have had the BJP scrambling to placate the community, considering it has been a loyal vote bank of the BJP and is a prosperous, dominant business community in Mumbai. Local polls, including the BMC elections, are scheduled to be held over the next few months, and no doubt that the BJP would like to keep its support base happy. However, party leaders say, the protests will not impact the support for the party within the Jain community. A senior BJP leader who did not wish to be named told ThePrint, 'The Jain community is aware of its influence and monetary power. They know that the BJP needs the community to be on its side. Incidents like these—where they have to come out to protests—will not make the community anti-BJP. The community is just trying to assert its position.' She added that politically, the BJP now also has an opportunity to reiterate its commitment to the Jain community by finding a solution to a problem caused by a court-mandated decision. In April this year, the Jain community similarly took to the streets to protest against the BMC for demolishing a Jain temple in Vile Parle, Mumbai. The temple was allegedly built illegally inside a housing society. However, back then too, following the backlash, the Devendra Fadnavis-led government scrambled to take charge of the narrative and shunted out the civic officer in charge of the demolition exercise. BJP leaders, such as Lodha, MLA Parag Alavani, and former corporator Moorji Patel, even attended the protests at the time. Jayant Jobalia of the Borivali-based Shree Vardhaman Sthanakvasi Jain Sangh told ThePrint that the current protests are being given a political colour but have nothing to do with politics. 'We are all non-violent people. We follow the tenet of 'live and let live'. These protests are in the pursuit of the same tenet. It is not political,' Jobalia said. 'We have good relations with political leaders from the ruling party.' The 'influential' Jain community of Mumbai The Jain community, awarded minority status in the country in January 2014, is not numerically strong in the state. At 1.24%, the Jain population in Maharashtra is only 14 lakh. Maharashtra Jains, however, account for nearly a third of the total population of Indian Jains. BJP leaders say Jains account for 30-40 percent of the Mumbai-based Gujarati voters, known for championing their party. No official statistics exist, but the Gujarati voter base is estimated at 28-30 percent—close to the Marathi population. A Mumbai-based BJP leader often cites an example that shows the strength and purchasing power of the Jain community in the city. At least three popular restaurants—Status, Cream Centre and Swati Snacks—run empty during the Jain 'Paryushan', a nine-day fast observed within the community. Another example of their influence is how several major developers across the city plan residential projects prominently advertising a Jain temple on the premises. The strength and influence of Jains in Mumbai have also prompted the Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray-led Shiv Sena to build bridges with the community by meeting Jain monks over the years. The undivided Shiv Sena built its politics on the agenda of the Marathi population in Mumbai. The protests against the 'kabutarkhana' closures stem from the Jain principle of 'Jeev Daya'—showing compassion and kindness towards all living beings—with pigeon-feeding spots often located close to Jain temples. 'There have been issues where the Jain community has come and asserted their stand, but that does not mean they will not remain with the BJP. Jains are prosperous, knowledgeable and understand what is happening around them. The party has also always made efforts to maintain its relations with the Jain community,' the Mumbai-based BJP leader quoted before in this section said. It is also a primary reason for the growth of Lodha's political career. 'He is an influential, prosperous Jain with deep networks within the community,' he added. Lodha, one of the wealthiest politicians in the BJP, owns assets worth Rs 141 crore. From just an MLA, he became a former Mumbai BJP president, then a state cabinet minister, and now a guardian minister for Mumbai's suburbs. Political commentator Abhay Deshpande said, 'The entire community is united in its support of the BJP. They will not distance themselves from the party just over one or two issues. But this kind of aggression of the community on the streets of Mumbai might be an opportunity for Opposition parties to consolidate the Marathi voter base.' 'BJP playing with emotions of Jains' During this episode of the BMC's attempts to close 'kabutarkhanas' and Jains hitting the streets to protest the action, the Opposition has been pointing to how the action, though court-mandated, was mainly at the behest of the leaders of the ruling parties. It was MLC Manisha Kayande from the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena who raised the issue of health hazards associated with 'kabutarkhanas' in the state legislative council during the monsoon session last month. BJP MLC Chitra Wagh backed her demand. In response, Uday Samant, state industries minister and a senior leader from the Shinde-led Shiv Sena, informed the public that Mumbai has 51 'kabutarkhanas' and that the state government will direct the BMC to shut them down. Animal rights activists Pallavi Patil and Sneha Visaria filed a writ petition in the Bombay High Court against the government directives last month. The court, however, refused to grant interim relief. The court, however, directed that no heritage 'kabutarkhanas' should be demolished until further orders. On Wednesday, after the ruckus at the Dadar 'kabutarkhana', MLA Rohit Pawar from the Sharad Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party visited the spot. The state government decided what to do in haste, he said. 'Uday Samant should have thought a little about it, saying we will close 'kabutarkhanas', but any sudden action will harm the birds. The state government should have looked at closing 'kabutarkhanas' phase-wise and rehabilitating the affected birds,' Pawar said. 'If any decision of the BJP backfires, they resort to double standards,' he added. Similarly, MLA Aaditya Thackeray from the Shiv Sena (UBT) Tuesday questioned if the BJP was 'playing around with the emotions of the Jains only for their political benefit'. 'The truth is the Jain community is seen as a guaranteed vote bank by the BJP—that can be swayed during elections, despite such games by the BJP,' he said. (Edited by Madhurita Goswami) Also read: On mission to shut Mumbai's iconic kabutarkhanas, BMC faces the quiet defiance of city's bird lovers