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Libya Review
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Libya Review
'Libya Build' Expo Turns to Battleground as Militias Overrun Capital
Libya may have just hosted 'the world's worst conference.' The event, held in Tripoli on May 12 under the title 'Libya Build', was promoted as the largest construction expo ever organized in North Africa, according to The Economist. It attracted international delegates from China, Turkey, and Malta, with the optimistic slogan: 'Let's Build Libya Together.' Instead, what unfolded was a descent into chaos. As guests arrived, mortars began falling. Gunmen in trucks mounted with heavy machine guns seized control of half the capital. Burned-out cars lined the streets. Schools, banks, and markets shut their gates. Militias stormed the Central Bank. Even the gazelles were stolen from Tripoli's zoo. Britain abruptly reversed its recently eased travel advice, urging citizens to avoid the capital, while Turkey airlifted its nationals to safety. This breakdown underscored the failure of Tripoli's post-Gaddafi 'reset.' The Government of National Unity (GNU) in the west, led by Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbaiba, once a construction tycoon, was always weaker than Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, the General Commander of the eastern-based Libyan National Army (LNA). Unlike Haftar, Dbaiba's authority relies on a precarious coalition of militias. As Libya's oil revenues declined and government funds dwindled, Dbaiba's payouts decreased, prompting unrest among the very groups that once supported him. The immediate trigger was reportedly financial: with the coffers empty, militias sought new income by, for instance, kidnapping utility executives. Then, in a move meant to neutralize a threat, Dbaiba's forces killed militia leader Abdul Ghani al-Kikli during a meeting. The assassination provoked Tripoli's most powerful armed group, the Salafist Special Deterrence Force (Rada), which retaliated and took control of half the capital. In the aftermath, Tripolitanians, exhausted by years of misrule and broken promises, took to the streets demanding elections, an end to militia dominance, and reunification of Libya. Many now view Dbaiba as one of the 'fulul'—a term used to describe holdovers from the Gaddafi era. Dbaiba, seen by many diplomats as a fading figure, is said to have sent his family to London. Desperate to appear in control, he called fighters from his hometown of Misrata to secure Tripoli. They reportedly fired on demonstrators. With Tripoli's main airport under Rada's control, Dbaiba reopened the long-closed international airport and vowed to turn Kikli's former militia base into a public park. He has branded remaining militias 'blackmailers, criminals, and sharks.' But without their support, his grip grows increasingly fragile. His ministers have begun to resign. Parliament has declared Dbaiba 'illegitimate' and named potential successors. Meanwhile, reports suggest troop movements in Sirte, Zawiya, Zintan, and Ghadames, possibly in preparation for a broader push by Haftar's forces. For now, Dbaiba remains in office, but, as The Economist concludes, 'Libyans and foreign diplomats have begun to speak of his rule in the past tense.' At least, with the airport reopened, 'he has a way to escape'.
Libya Review
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Libya Review
Libya Renews Request for Hannibal Gaddafi's Release or Transfer from Lebanon
The long-standing case of Hannibal Gaddafi has resurfaced, as Libyan authorities formally demand his immediate release or deportation to a third country—ten years after he was detained in Lebanon. According to senior judicial sources who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, Lebanon's judiciary has received an official letter from Libyan Prosecutor General Al-Siddiq Al-Sour, urging the Lebanese government to release Hannibal Gaddafi without delay and either return him to Libya or transfer him to his country of asylum, Syria. The letter also blamed Lebanese authorities for the deterioration of Gaddafi's health and warned of potential consequences. However, the request is expected to be swiftly rejected by the Lebanese judiciary. Legal officials say Libya's communication lacked any new information regarding the fate of Imam Musa Al-Sadr, Sheikh Mohammad Yaacoub, and journalist Abbas Badreddine—who were abducted and forcibly disappeared in Libya in 1978. The Libyan request has reportedly disappointed Lebanese legal circles, especially after earlier promises of cooperation from Libyan authorities. Lebanon had previously been informed that the Libyan judiciary was willing to share documents and findings from post-Gaddafi era investigations with Judge Zaher Hamadeh, the judicial investigator in the Sadr case. Yet, the recent letter made no reference to such cooperation. Instead, it reiterated Libya's demand for Hannibal's release—ignoring Lebanon's requests, and failing to respect a 2014 memorandum of understanding signed between the two judicial authorities. The letter, received via diplomatic channels, was addressed to top Lebanese judicial figures, including the President of the Judicial Council Judge Suhail Abboud, Prosecutor General Judge Jamal Al-Hajjar, and Judge Zaher Hamadeh. It outlined Hannibal's kidnapping from Syria, transfer to Lebanon, his questioning, and the arrest warrant issued for withholding information regarding the disappearance of Al-Sadr and his companions. The Lebanese judiciary remains firm: no release without reciprocal cooperation. Judge Hamadeh is reportedly preparing a formal response rejecting the Libyan demand unless credible and comprehensive documents are provided. The judiciary believes Hannibal Gaddafi may hold crucial information, particularly due to his former role overseeing political prisons in Libya. Hannibal has stated that he is willing to share information only after being freed and allowed to leave Lebanon—a position seen as evidence that he possesses valuable insight into the decades-old disappearance case. Lebanon, however, insists that the truth must come first. Tags: BeirutHannibal GaddafiLebanonlibyaMusa al-Sadrtripoli
Al-Ahram Weekly
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Intense skirmishes in Libya - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
The flareup of violence in the Libyan capital Tripoli last week was a stark remainder of the fragility of the security situation in the country and the looming possibility of a slide back into civil war The Libyan Presidential Council, in cooperation with the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), launched a mechanism to stabilise the truce and ceasefire in Tripoli on 18 May. Meanwhile, the Libyan capital was rocked by intense skirmishes last week between the Deterrence Apparatus for Combating Terrorism and Organised Crime (RADA), which is affiliated with the Presidential Council, and the 444th Combat Brigade, which is part of the internationally recognised Libyan Government of National Unity (GNU). As these forces clashed, several armed groups in Western Libya attempted to march on the capital. The unrest erupted after a security operation carried out by the GNU against the Stability Support Apparatus (SSA) following the assassination of SSA commander Abdulghani Al-Kikli in Tripoli on 12 May. The circumstances surrounding his assassination remain unclear. Al-Kikli (also known as Ghnewa) had commanded one of the largest militia groups in Tripoli. While nominally subordinate to the Presidential Council, it operated independently. According to some reports, Al-Kikli was killed following disputes with leaders of other armed factions from Tripoli and Misrata over control of key government facilities in the capital, such as the Libyan Telecommunications Holding Company and the Audit Bureau. During the GNU security operation, government forces took over the Abu Salim district in Southern Libya, which had served as Al-Kikli's and the SSA's stronghold. Tensions in the capital then heightened further when GNU Prime Minister Abdulhamid Dbeibah issued a decree dissolving the RADA and dispatched the 444th Brigade to seize the RADA headquarters in Eastern Tripoli. In response, Abdelraouf Kara, the commander of the RADA, sought support from militia factions in Warshefana and Zawiya, tribal areas west of Tripoli opposed to Dbeibah. As has occurred before with many of the armed factions that proliferated in post-Gaddafi Libya, Kara and 444th Brigade Commander Mahmoud Hamza had once been allies. Both are from the Souq Al-Jumaa district of eastern Tripoli, share a similar radical Salafi ideological outlook, and worked closely together until their rupture in 2022. According to Libyan sources, the Warshefana and Zawiya militias aimed not just to defend Kara and the RADA but also to join forces with him to topple Dbeibah and replace him with a new prime minister representative of various influential forces in Western Libya. The clashes between the RADA and the 444th Brigade last week brought life in the capital to a halt and caused significant damage to public and private property in Tripoli. Although a ceasefire was announced after two days of fierce fighting and neutral forces have been deployed as peacekeepers, the authorities have yet to release any official casualty figures. Meanwhile, Dbeibah is also facing pressure from other quarters. Speaker of the Libyan House of Representatives (HoR) Aguila Saleh called on the Attorney General to launch an investigation into the GNU prime minister in connection with the assassination of Al-Kikli and the events in the capital and impose a travel ban on him. Khaled Al-Mishri, who is contesting the validity of the elections that led to his replacement as the head of the High Council of State (HCS) by Mohamed Takala, has called for the formation of a new government in coordination with the HoR. The GNU has lost its legitimacy, Al-Mishri declared. As though to confirm this, anti-government protests then erupted over the weekend, demanding Dbeibah's removal and the appointment of a new interim prime minister to oversee the rest of the transitional period until national elections are held. To quell the violence and de-escalate tensions triggered by Dbeibah's actions, Mohamed Al-Menfi, head of the Presidential Council, officially annulled Dbeibah's decrees to restructure the security agencies, including the order to dissolve the RADA. He also proclaimed a truce and reached an agreement with UNSMIL to secure the current ceasefire and enhance security in the capital. The agreement was concluded in the presence of UN Special Representative and UNSMIL head Hanna Tetteh and her Deputy for Political Affairs Stephanie Khoury. The mechanism calls for a 'Truce Committee' tasked with promoting a permanent ceasefire among the militia factions in Tripoli, protecting the civilian population, and reaching an agreement on security arrangements for the capital. In a televised address on 17 May, Dbeibah attempted to explain the government's security operation in Abu Salim. It was part of broader security arrangements for Tripoli that had targeted a militia that was beyond the control of the state, had extorted public institutions, had taken over six banks, and had exploited the Internal Security Agency for private gain, he said. The militia had committed many violations in the areas it controls and had contributed to the fragmentation of sovereign institutions. Dbeibah attributed the subsequent violence to an attempted 'coup' masterminded by Aguila Saleh, commander of the Libyan National Army in Benghazi, and Khaled Al-Mishri. He stressed his commitment to restoring order and consolidating state authority in Tripoli and expressed his dismay over the protests calling for his removal and the formation of a new government. He cast the GNU, which is not an elected body or created by an elected body, as a manifestation of the democratic gains of the 17 February 2011 Revolution. The sudden flareup of violence in the capital last week was a stark remainder of the fragility of the security situation and the looming possibility of a slide back into civil war. Dbeibah's insistence on implementing what he called new security arrangements but what others read as a bid to consolidate power is a reflection of his government's fragility, as manifested in the HoR's withdrawal of confidence and the resignation of several ministers. Some reports suggest that he is now engaged in talks with various political forces to engineer a cabinet reshuffle. Towards this end, he hopes to take advantage of the fragmentation among his political rivals as well as the general animosity between the HoR and HSC, which continue to haggle over details regarding the electoral laws and the constitutional framework. Meanwhile, international stakeholders are still divided over how to handle the Libyan crisis. Dbeibah is in a delicate position. He wants to demonstrate his ability to enforce the new security arrangements in Tripoli, dismantle the power centres of rival militias, and remove them from government institutions that they saw as their own turf. However, achieving this will require international support, something that was largely absent during the recent clashes, although now it may have quietly reemerged in the form of UNSMIL's coordination with the Presidential Council on ceasefire stabilisation. If Dbeibah succeeds in eliminating the RADA, as he did the SSA last week, he will have secured his personal control over the capital, sidelining rivals and bolstering his influence as the main power in Western Libya. This presents a dilemma for both Libyans and the international community. On the one hand, if the Tripoli-based GNU can assert its control over the capital and Western Libya, this might ensure the success of efforts to reform the government institutions. However, tensions would seethe dangerously beneath the surface due to the ongoing opposition to Dbeibah and his government among significant political forces. Conversely, Dbeibeh's failure to secure control over the capital would contribute to perpetuating the ongoing security chaos and institutional collapse, which are hampering efforts to rebuild and improve the country's degraded public services. This is why many believe that institutional and structural reform should take priority, especially given the ongoing deadlock in the political process. The aim of this is to lay the legislative and practical groundwork for the long overdue Libyan presidential and parliamentary elections to restore the legitimacy of the country's institutions and leadership. * A version of this article appears in print in the 22 May, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Time of India
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Trump' ‘Gaza Remake' Plan Implodes? U.S. Embassy's Shocking Disclosure On Plans For 1 Million Gazans
The U.S. Embassy in Libya has denied a report claiming the Trump administration is considering relocating up to one million Gazans to Libya. The embassy called the alleged resettlement plan "completely untrue." NBC News had cited five sources, including a former U.S. official, suggesting discussions were underway with Libyan leadership, potentially involving billions in unfrozen Libyan assets. The report follows Donald Trump's past remarks about taking control of Gaza after the 2023 Hamas attack. Libya, still reeling from post-Gaddafi instability, would be a highly controversial choice for such a plan. Read More
The Guardian
28-01-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
The parallels between Libya's revolution and Syria's are stark. But they need not be prophetic
In December, the world watched in awe as Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria imploded. But as Syria rejoices, I bear a warning: we cannot let Syria's power vacuum fester into another civil war, as the international community did in Libya. As Libya's first female foreign minister, I am painfully aware of what is at stake. When images of our own dictator's dead body were broadcast to the world in 2011, we believed Libya had been liberated. But the euphoria of revolutions often gives way to darker realities. Muammar Gaddafi's death unleashed mayhem, as clashes erupted between the Libyan National Army and the Government of National Accord. Chaos deepened as warlords seized territories and groups such as al-Qaida exploited Libya's agony. In Benghazi, once a symbol of hope, Salafist groups with extremist ideologies seized control, poisoning the nation's political veins. Now living in Britain, I am a product of the geostrategic game that forced me into exile. But my story is far from unique. More than 400,000 people have been displaced and Libya has become a gateway for 90% of Mediterranean crossings into Europe. When the revolution began, leaders such as Barack Obama, France's Nicolas Sarkozy and Britain's David Cameron, along with Nato, were quick to offer support and present themselves as champions of the Libyan people. However, their superficial actions failed to address the country's long-term needs. Militias were left unchecked, institutions were weakened and the nation descended into chaos. The disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programme initiated in late 2011 was poorly executed. Instead of fostering stability, it further destabilised Libya, sparking attacks on civilians abroad. Over time, the nation's rich cultural heritage and infrastructure were decimated, leaving scars on the nation's history which still bleed today. Obama has since called the failure to plan Libya's aftermath his 'worst mistake' in office, while Britain's public inquiry condemned the absence of a coherent post-Gaddafi strategy. Syria could face the same fate. Already, the country is oscillating between peace and chaos. Rival rebel factions are vying for power, and the interim government is being led by a 'reformed' commander with ties to Islamic State and al-Qaida. Meanwhile, the international community lacks a strategy for addressing the aftermath. Weapons and ideologies from various nations are flooding into the region, risking the escalation of extremism and deepening divisions. For Syrians to rebuild their nation, they must first unite around a shared vision for its future. Institutions need to be restored with a focus on long-term functionality, and the people must have the space to control their own agenda. Key factors such as monitored DDR programmes, reintegration of militias, and meaningful reforms must be prioritised. With Russian troops withdrawing, the west has a rare opportunity to act – not as another foreign power, but as a stabilising force offering an alternative. This means embracing a 'no harm' approach, offering conscientious oversight rather than force. History shows that, with thoughtful assistance, war-torn nations such as postwar South Korea and Japan can become stable, productive societies. Part and parcel of this recovery plan must involve empowering communal actors with deep local understanding and legitimacy. After all, their voices carry far more insight and credibility than any western bureaucrat's decree ever could. Importantly, this means the west must start listening to regional and local voices instead of assuming it knows best. After all, this arrogance is what caused the largest interventionist mistake in recent history. When President Biden shambolically withdrew troops from Afghanistan, he failed to ensure the country had the intelligence, infrastructure and willpower to resist the Taliban, who had long offered an alternative to the US-backed government. As the Muslim World League's (MWL) secretary general, Mohammad bin Abdulkarim al-Issa, explains, the west failed its nation building exercises in Afghanistan because it never anchored its policies or interventions in the religious fundamentals that most of its population understands and respects. This mistake allowed the Taliban to swiftly regain control of the country and enact the harshest laws against women in modern times. Already, a spokesperson for the new Syrian government, Obaida Arnaout, has received widespread backlash for claiming women could not hold positions in government due to their 'biological compositions'. In response to this and other measures enacted by the Taliban and proposed by Libya, an international conference on Girls' Education in Muslim Communities took place in Islamabad this month. The event, organised by the MWL, brought together figures such as Pakistan's prime minister Shehbaz Sharif, the Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai and Unicef to tackle the extremist ideologies that suppress women's rights – issues central to Syria's path forward. The outcomes of this conference, which included the adoption of the Islamabad Declaration and the launch of a global campaign to promote women's rights in the Islamic world, could inform strategies for fostering resilience in post-conflict Syria, ensuring that ideals such as human rights are grounded in a counterextremist framework, not propped up by western forces. The parallels between Libya and Syria are stark, but they need not be prophetic. As the dust settles in Syria, the world must resist the temptation of passive optimism and commit to active stewardship. We cannot let Syria become another cautionary tale of a nation left to crumble under the weight of global apathy and splintered leadership. Najla Mohammed El Mangoush was Libya's first female foreign minister
