Latest news with #strategicautonomy
South China Morning Post
17-07-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
Is Philippines' debut in Australia-US war games the ‘new normal' in regional defence ties?
The Philippines is taking part for the first time in Australia 's largest bilateral military exercises with the United States , joining thousands of troops from across the region for war games running until July 27. Analysts say the move reflects Manila's broader strategy of reinforcing defence ties, not just with Washington but also with like-minded regional powers, as US allies increasingly seek to diversify their security relationships and assert greater strategic autonomy amid uncertainty over US President Donald Trump 's foreign policy. Thirty-two personnel from the Armed Forces of the Philippines are taking part in Exercise Talisman Sabre 2025, which is being held in several Australian cities, including Rockhampton, Townsville, Brisbane and Sydney. The biennial drills feature more than 35,000 troops from 19 nations, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines, South Korea, Singapore, Thailand and the United Kingdom. The exercises are reportedly expected to draw surveillance from China, and also mark the use of Australia's newly acquired M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System, a long-range weapon system the country has recently purchased from the US. Colonel Xerxes Trinidad, chief of the armed forces' public affairs office, said Manila's participation 'reflects the Philippines' commitment to regional peace and security and further strengthens military ties with key allies and defence partners'.
Russia Today
07-07-2025
- Business
- Russia Today
EU fears losing US military software support
EU officials are concerned that Washington could one day stop providing critical software updates for US-made military equipment, according to a New York Times report. The fear stems from uncertainty over the future of NATO and the policies of US President Donald Trump. The EU has committed nearly €14 trillion ($16.4 trillion) to defense investments over the next decade. Last month, the European Commission authorized the use of around €335 billion in pandemic recovery funds for military purposes. In May, it introduced a €150 billion debt facility to support defense efforts. Ukraine has been granted access to these funds alongside EU member states. Russia has denounced the steps as evidence of continued hostility by the bloc. However, the EU is embarking on the unprecedented military spending spree without the technology base to match its ambitions, the outlet said on Sunday. The bloc lacks viable alternatives to advanced US-made military systems, including the F-35 stealth fighter, which costs around $80 million per jet. The absence of such capabilities raises doubts about the EU's ability to achieve strategic autonomy, according to the report. The bloc remains deeply dependent on American platforms – from missile-defense systems and rocket launchers to cyber warfare tools – all of which rely on regular software updates from the US. Some officials fear that Washington could ultimately withhold essential software updates – a concern heightened by Donald Trump's renewed outreach to Russia and his skepticism toward NATO commitments, the NYT said. NATO members have since agreed to spend 3.5% on core military budgets and another 1.5% earmarked for areas such as cyber defenses and the preparation of civilian infrastructure. Concerns over tech dependency have become more urgent since the Trump administration suspended shipments of certain weapons to Ukraine, leaving EU nations to fill the gap, the NYT noted. Moscow has welcomed the move, suggesting that the freeze could speed up the end of the conflict. Discussions continue in the EU over whether to build its own military industry or remain reliant on US technology, the report said. The mixed approach suggests that the bloc may continue to depend on key American technologies, even as it seeks greater defense independence. The debate comes amid speculation in the Western media and among some officials that Russia is preparing to eventually attack NATO countries in Europe. Russian President Vladimir Putin has dismissed such notions as 'nonsense,' saying Moscow has no intention of invading NATO and that the US-led bloc is fueling an arms race and fabricating threats to justify higher spending.
Japan Times
04-06-2025
- Business
- Japan Times
The 'Macron Doctrine' goes to Asia: Autonomy with partners, steady on China
At the Shangri-La Dialogue, French President Emmanuel Macron, the first European head of state and the first leader from one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council to deliver the keynote address to this premier security forum in the Indo-Pacific, made an appeal to Asian countries to build a new alliance with Europe while staying firm on China. He presented a vision that he has consistently held since taking office in 2017 — restoring France and Europe's global influence and relevance amid the great power competition through 'strategic autonomy' — a term he repeated more than 10 times in his speech. This ambition, termed by some analysts as the "Macron Doctrine," is based on a sense of deep crisis since the establishment of the post-1945 world order. Strategic autonomy In Singapore, he has anchored his vision in both the Gaullist legacy and Asian strategic culture. He recalled Gen. de Gaulle's historic 1966 speech in Phnom Penh, where the general championed the independence of nations, particularly Cambodia, within the Cold War context. Macron also referenced the 70th anniversary of the Bandung Conference, the birthplace of the Non-Aligned Movement. In the context of escalating U.S.-China rivalry, the fragmentation of the global order emerges as the primary risk. To counter this destabilizing trend, Europeans and Asians must find new ways to resist. While nonalignment is not an option, Macron advocated for forging an alliance to resist pressures and 'spheres of coercion' and forming a coalition for independence. This vision also stemmed from the growing interconnection between the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific theaters — a point that garnered consensus among the state delegates. The idea resonated with the regional audience, particularly as Southeast Asian nations have historically rejected bloc mentality and resisted pressure to take sides. Notably, Singapore's newly appointed defense minister, Chan Chun Sing, commended Macron's emphasis on strategic autonomy and sovereignty. Even Gen Nakatani, Japan's defense minister and a supporter of Japan-U.S. relations, acknowledged that "strategic autonomy is essential." Macron's approach was thus perceived as more of a common sense strategy compared to the confrontational and "brutal love" stance advocated by U.S. Secretary of Defense Peter Hegseth, who, ironically, claimed to champion a common sense approach. A demanding friendship Macron affirmed that "France is a friend and ally of the United States, and a friend that cooperates — even if we sometimes disagree and compete — with China'. While he aired implicit criticism to the U.S., deploring 'countries that want to impose on free countries their foreign-policy choices or prejudice their alliances', his most pointed remarks were directed at China. In his effort to underscore the interconnected security environment and the linkages between European and Asian theaters, Macron made a bold comparison by likening the context of Russia and Ukraine to potential actions by China regarding Taiwan and the Philippines. His point was to demonstrate that the war in Ukraine is not merely a European issue — it threatens international law and sets a dangerous precedent for powerful states to seize territory by force, including in Asia. This position is fully aligned with France's core diplomatic principle: opposing any unilateral change to the status quo through force. However, this broad analogy may raise questions — or even unease — among some Asian partners, who could see the comparison as irrelevant, unhelpful or even counterproductive, as it risks inflaming regional tensions. This concern was notably echoed by Singapore's defense minister the following day. The remark could even be interpreted as a shift in France's posture on Taiwan, though that was not the intended message. Nevertheless, it triggered a strong diplomatic reaction from China, which dismissed the comparison as clumsy and unfounded. At the same time, during the question and answer session, Macron stated that if China were to take action against another country in the region, France would be very cautious to intervene from day one. This remark sparked speculation over whether Paris was implicitly signaling that it might refrain from acting in the event of a crisis in the contested seas. In reality, the comment was intended to maintain strategic ambiguity, reflecting a deliberately cautious stance that any response would depend entirely on the specific circumstances of the crisis — an approach shared by many nations. On another point, Macron reaffirmed France's position on NATO, stressing that 'NA' stands for North Atlantic. He reiterated his opposition to turning the alliance into an Indo-Pacific actor, yet pointedly warned that if China refuses to take responsibility and fails to rein in North Korea's presence on European soil, it could open the door to NATO engagement in the region. Far from signaling a policy shift, the remark was rather intended to pressure Beijing into action. Overall, the remarks underscored a strong continuity in France's approach to the Indo-Pacific and to China, reaffirming its pursuit of a balanced 'third way.' Macron paired blunt messaging toward Beijing with a deliberate effort to sustain top-level engagement. In March, France's foreign minister traveled to China. By May, Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng was in Paris, Macron and Chinese leader Xi Jinping spoke by phone and France's defense minister met his Chinese counterpart, Dong Jun — whose absence from the summit did not go unnoticed. Of course, France's approach comes with diplomatic friction. Macron's candor toward Beijing walks a fine line — sharp enough to show resolve yet calibrated to keep communication open. Some may see ambiguity on Taiwan or NATO as softness; others will recognize it as strategic restraint. Amid growing geopolitical strain, the ability to pair clear principles with nuanced diplomacy is a rare asset. The long-game vision Macron's speech may not have broken new ground, but it did something arguably more important: It offered a consistent alternative to the binary thinking gripping international politics. Strategic autonomy is often misunderstood as a retreat from alliances or neutrality; instead, it is a proposition for shared sovereignty among willing partners. In today's multipolar world, middle powers must not only hedge — they must lead. Macron's call for issue-based coalitions rooted in international law gives those countries a workable path forward. In the end, Macron's Indo-Pacific messaging is less about immediate deliverables and more about shaping the long game. The challenge now is turning this vision into concrete action and influence — not just through high-level visits and dialogue, but through sustained, visible partnerships on the ground. The region is watching closely and will expect more than words. Celine Pajon is Head of Japan and Indo-Pacific Research in Ifri's Center for Asian Studies.
South China Morning Post
19-05-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
Why Europe and Asean are aligning to hedge against US, China dependence
French President Emmanuel Macron is set to become the first European leader to deliver the keynote address at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore later this month. Arguably Asia's most influential security forum, the dialogue has regularly hosted top defence and foreign policy officials and experts from around the world to discuss pressing geopolitical challenges and enhance cooperation among like-minded powers. Advertisement Macron is set to join a storied roster of world leaders to deliver keynote addresses, including former Japanese prime minister Fumio Kishida , India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. At the dialogue, Macron is set to lay out Europe's vision of a rules-based international order and assert its strategic autonomy against the backdrop of US-China global rivalry. He is also expected to attend the Asean summit in Kuala Lumpur before travelling to Indonesia, the region's largest nation and de facto leader. While in Indonesia, he will join President Prabowo Subianto at a retreat at a military academy in Magelang, Central Java. While the Philippines is not on Macron's itinerary, it, like Indonesia, is rapidly developing relations with key European powers. It hosted observers from several European nations – including four for the first time – during this year's Balikatan exercises, which took place close to flashpoints in the South China Sea and Taiwan. Last year, France was the only European power to directly take part in the Philippine-US war games. France and Germany are bolstering defence ties with the Philippines, and the European Union is pursuing a free-trade agreement with both Manila and Jakarta. Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jnr, who was last year's keynote speaker at the Shangri-la Dialogue, is considering a visit to France later this year, possibly as soon as the two sides finalise a new Reciprocal Access Agreement and other major defence deals. Advertisement After spending decades in the shadows of superpowers, key European and Asean nations are rapidly developing bilateral relations as part of a broader middle-power diplomacy among like-minded nations. Eager to avoid dependence on either the United States or China, the two sides have developed an increasingly symbiotic relationship amid shared strategic and economic interests in an increasingly multipolar world order.
