
Seismic miscalculation? Why Israel's strikes could end up pushing Tehran closer to the n-bomb
The trigger, perhaps, is the latest IAEA report published in May 2025. It confirmed that Iran has amassed more than 400 kg of uranium enriched to 60% U-235, plus thousands more enriched to lower levels. This stockpile is enough for up to nine nuclear weapons. The agency also reported that Iran has disabled key monitoring systems, refused access, and ceased implementing the Additional Protocol, making full verification impossible. The significantly increased production and accumulation of highly enriched uranium by Iran, the only non-nuclear-weapon State to produce such nuclear material, is of serious concern.
This is the clearest nuclear breakout profile the world has seen in decades—and Israel decided it could wait no longer.
Israel's strikes went beyond nuclear weapons facilities. They have killed senior IRGC commanders and nuclear engineers and targeted oil and gas infrastructure. Destruction of the program in its entirety is likely beyond reach. Iran's nuclear sites are dispersed, fortified, and in some cases buried deep underground. So Israel is doing what it can–targeting centrifuges and research centres, and eliminating the human capital behind Iran's progress. It's a strategy of degradation, disruption, and demoralisation.
What sets this round of conflict apart is Israel's open psychological and political messaging. After the first wave of strikes, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu directly addressed the Iranian people, saying, 'The time has come for the Iranian people to unite around its flag and its historic legacy, by standing up for your freedom from the evil and oppressive regime.'
This is a call for uprising. While Israel officially denies that regime change is its objective, Netanyahu's words—combined with military actions targeting Iran's top command—make the message clear.
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Time of India
20 minutes ago
- Time of India
Discounts dip but Economics keep Russian oil flowing to India
NEW DELHI: The flow of Russian crude to India remains unabated in spite of discounts shrinking to $1.5-2 per barrel as market factors and input requirement continue to drive refiners' choice in the absence of any govt directive for or against those imports amid US and European Union (EU) pressure. 'We are buying crude as per the economics. We are not making any extra effort for either increasing or decreasing Russian crude (purchase)," IndianOil chairman Arvinder Singh Sahney said on Thursday. Coming from the head of India's largest state-run refiner and a major buyer of Russian crude, the statement can be construed as an indication the govt remains undaunted by western pressure against purchase of those barrels. Govt sources said a team of officials from the external and commerce ministries is set to visit Russia for further discussion on a Rupee-Rouble trade, something both countries have been pursuing for years. Several cargoes of Russian crude was delivered to western ports last week, contrary to foreign media reports of India pausing purchase of Russian oil. Describing those reports as 'wrong', Sahney pointed out that Russian oil was not sanctioned like Iranian or Venezuelan crude but is only subject to a price cap. He said the US had set the price cap at $60/barrel, among other curbs, after Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The EU's latest curbs has lowered the cap to $47 (at current oil prices). There is no curb on buying Russian oil within these conditions. Sahney said buying (clean) Russian oil even at small discounts could make sense for refiners if the yield patten of that particular grade suits the production plan at a given point. 'If the pricing and characteristics of the crude suits our scheme of processing, we buy,' he said explaining the monthly variations in the quantity of imports from Russia or the US. Separately, executives of other refining companies said the wind-down provisions in the US penalty on New Delhi allow import of Russian crude loaded upto seven days from the order, after which the 25% additional tariff will be imposed on Indian goods exports. 'We will continue to import Russian oil but will not violate the sanctions,' an executive of major refining company said requesting that neither he nor his company be identified.


Scroll.in
an hour ago
- Scroll.in
Review: In ‘Tehran', an Indian police officer inserts himself into the Iran-Israel conflict
In the Hindi movie Tehran, a high-ranking Delhi Police officer tries to out-Mossad Mossad. Arun Gopalan's thriller on ZEE5 marries the rule-breaking cop valourised by Indian filmmakers with the espionage dramas that emerge out of Israel with predictable regularity. In 2012, Iranian agents carry out bomb attacks on Israeli diplomats in three cities, including Delhi. Special Cell unit member Rajeev (John Abraham) is pained by the deaths of Indian bystanders, especially a girl who sells flowers. Rajeev vows that he will not allow terrorists to use India as a staging ground for such attacks. Until their very hands are cut off, nobody will take India seriously, he declares. Although described by his superiors as 'insane' and a loose cannon, Rajeev has friends in the right places, including Research and Analysis Wing officer Sheilaja (Neeru Bajwa). Accompanied by Divya (Manushi Chhillar) and Vijay (Dinker Sharma), Rajeev embarks on an unsanctioned covert operation to punish the perpetrators of the blast, much to the horror of his boss Neeraj (Alyy Khan) and RAW chief Himadri (Qaushik Mukherjee). Rajeev's antics could jeopardise a crucial gas deal between India and Iran, so both governments are understandably outraged too. The Israelis, not so much. While the diplomats officially distance themselves from Rajeev, Mossad thinks he might be useful. After Rajeev is disowned by India and hunted by Iran, an Israeli agent helps him on the sly, a mark of admiration for a man who doesn't follow the rules of combat. Tehran is purportedly inspired by actual events. Based on a story by Bindni Karia and a screenplay by Karia and Ritesh Shah, the movie wades into a diplomatic quagmire from which it is unable to extricate itself. The film tries to be wise about and up-to-speed with geopolitics in Asia and the Arab world in the early 2010s. Gritty and fast-paced, with chunks of Farsi dialogue, Tehran attempts to appear authentic but operates in the same realm of fantasy from which emerge tall tales of Indian agents matching the prowess of their Western counterparts. Tehran is out at a time when Israel's relations with Iran are in tatters and Israel's brutal offensive in Gaza has surpassed all limits of morality. Given the deadly serious realities of the moment, it's hard to care for Rajeev's kill-or-be-killed mentality, his bizarre quest to destroy ties with India's allies, his Rambo-like tendencies, or even his anguish at being abandoned by his government. Explicit links are made in the film between the Iranian militant Afsar's support for the Palestinian cause and his murder of a rabbi – a 'Free Palestine' banner hangs in the background as Afsar (Hadi Khanjanpour) brutally slays the rabbi. Mossad's decision to use Rajeev is surely this Indian cop's dream come true. John Abraham plays Rajeev with quiet ferocity – a mien the actor has previously adopted in Batla House and The Diplomat. Among the supporting cast, Alyy Khan and Qaushik Mukherjee are compelling as government officials who do stick to the rules, and with good reason. Play


The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Record violence marks Israel's push towards West Bank annexation
A day after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel intends to take full control of the Gaza Strip, the country's security cabinet, on August 8, approved a plan to seize control of Gaza City. Israel then stepped up its bombardment. While Israel continues to pound one of Palestine's non-contiguous regions — Gaza — and push its society to the brink, it is slowly asserting 'sovereignty' over the other — West Bank. Last month, the Israeli Parliament voted in favour of a historic declaration that officially supported the application of Israeli sovereignty to West Bank, which the Israelis refer to as Judea and Samaria. While the motion carried no immediate legal bearing, it is seen as a political step towards annexation. In July 2024, Israel had declared that it was opposed to the establishment of a Palestinian state west of the Jordan river. This time, as the Knesset voted in favour of the non-binding motion, its speaker declared, 'In 1967, the occupation did not start, it ended. That is the historical truth, and the one and only way to reach genuine peace is from [a position of] power.' While West Bank has been under Israeli occupation since 1967, data shows that Israel's position of power over the West Bank has intensified since October 7, 2023, with a record number of displacements, settler attacks, and a stifled economy. Settler attacks in this analysis only involves incidents of violence, intimidation or trespass by Israeli settlers against Palestinians in West Bank. More than 600 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces or settler attacks in West Bank since 2024. This is 28% of all Palestinians killed in the region in nearly two decades. The chart shows the number of Palestinians killed by Israeli forces or settlers in the West Bank The number of attacks by Israeli settlers, which either resulted in casualties or damages to property, surged post-2023. The chart shows the attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinians that resulted in casualties and/or property damage West Bank has witnessed 3,500 such attacks since 2023. This accounted for 40% of all attacks by Israeli settlers on Palestinians in the last two decades. In 2024, this figure climbed to an all-time high in nearly two decades. Survey data from the Israel Democracy Institute, as shown in the table below, shows over 40% Israelis think that settlers who engaged in violence are treated very leniently by the Israeli forces. Respondents were answering the question 'How are the security forces and enforcement agencies treating settlers involved in violent acts against Palestinians in the West Bank /Judea and Samaria?' The region also saw a high number of displacements of Palestinians in the 2023-2025 period due to Israeli military operations, or settler violence, or access restrictions, or demolitions. The United Nations on July 15 this year said that displacement in West Bank had hit levels not seen since the start of Israel's occupation nearly 60 years ago. More than 4,000 people were displaced from West Bank in 2024 — the highest number recorded since 2009. Additionally, 29,338 Palestinians have been displaced due to operations by Israeli forces in the Jenin and Tulkaram camps in the northern region of West Bank in 2025. The chart below shows the number of Palestinians displaced in West Bank due to Israeli military operations or settler violence Data also shows that more than 3,000 Palestinian homes and other structures have been either demolished, seized, or sealed since 2023 in West Bank. The chart shows the number of Palestinian homes/structures demolished, seized, or sealed in West Bank every year. More than a hundred outposts were newly built since 2023 in West Bank. Outposts refer to Israeli settlements, considered illegal even under Israeli law. In 2024 alone, 61 such outposts were built — the highest in a year since 1990. The chart shows the number of outposts established since the 1990s in the West Bank With the number of illegal settlers increasing to more than 5 lakh in 2023, from less than 5,000 in 1977, the situation in West Bank already echoes the Knesset speaker's statement from last month. He said, 'We are here to stay, and the Knesset has said this by a large majority.' The data for the charts are sourced from the UN OCHA, Peace Now, and the Israel Democracy Institute