&w=3840&q=100)
Govt to finalise 27% ethanol blending norms by August: Nitin Gadkari
In 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched petrol blended with 20 per cent ethanol. Speaking at an event, Gadkari said, 'India has already achieved its target of 20 per cent ethanol blending. In Brazil, the ethanol blend in gasoline is 27 per cent.'
Currently, Indian vehicles can run on E20 petrol with minor changes to the engine to prevent corrosion and other issues.
Finalising standards for E27
India relies on imports to meet 85 per cent of its oil requirements. 'We import fossil fuels worth ₹22 lakh crore, which is also causing pollution... so diversifying agriculture towards the energy and power sector is the need of the hour,' he added.
Flex-fuel vehicle push
Gadkari noted that 11 automobile manufacturers have already developed vehicles with flex-fuel engines. 'India is food surplus and there is a need to protect the interests of farmers,' he said.
Ethanol, which can be produced from sugarcane, broken rice and other agricultural products, is expected to help reduce India's dependence on foreign oil. India is currently the world's third-largest oil consumer and imports about 88 per cent of its crude oil requirements, making it vulnerable to geopolitical vagaries that can impact crude prices.
India achieved its earlier goal of 10 per cent ethanol blending in June 2022, well ahead of the original deadline of November 2022.
Reducing pollution a shared duty: Gadkari
Earlier this month, Gadkari said that reducing pollution from fossil fuel-powered vehicles is a key responsibility shared by all stakeholders.
At an event hosted by the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI), Gadkari highlighted the importance of switching to cleaner alternatives. He stated that promoting fuels such as ethanol and carrying out widespread tree plantation campaigns are among the most effective ways to tackle pollution. According to him, the government is actively working on both these fronts.
To support environmental sustainability, the minister said the government is also making productive use of waste materials in infrastructure projects. He noted that around 8 million tonnes of waste have been used so far in the construction of roads.
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India Today
4 minutes ago
- India Today
Palace to polls? Why the BJP is wooing the royalty
Madhya Pradesh chief minister Mohan Yadav is known to have a penchant for offsite cabinet meetings. Whenever he is in a mood to indulge his cabinet colleagues or send out a political signal, the venue shifts from the cabinet room on the fifth floor of Vallabh Bhavan—the state secretariat in Bhopal. On May 20, it was the Rajwada, the 200-year-old palace of the Holkars, the erstwhile rulers of Indore, that was the venue. CM Yadav sat in an ornate chair, while his cabinet colleagues were arranged in a manner that evoked the impression of a Holkar Durbar. The meeting was to discuss the plans for the upcoming 300th birth anniversary of Maharani Ahilyabai Holkar, and the commemorative events to be held in her enactment of this piece of royal theatre was not lost on anyone. 'There's nothing objectionable about celebrating an icon like 'Devi' Ahilyabai,' a source said. 'But it's the royal makeover of an otherwise routine cabinet meeting that stood out.' This is not all. The BJP-ruled MP has also launched 'Virasat se Vikas' (heritage to development), a programme to revive the legacies of Rani Durgawati, Rani Avanti Bai, Ahilyabai, Raja Bhabhut Singh, as well as the legendary King is getting recognition elsewhere, too. Gujarat, for instance, is planning to dedicate a whole museum—the Museum of Royal Kingdoms of India (MORKI)—to record the contributions of the princely states (see Mission Museum). Expected to open in 2027, the Rs 260 crore project will come up next to the Statue of Unity in the Narmada BJP is clearly going through a phase of royal obsession. Aditya Pratap Deo, associate professor of History at St Stephen's College, Delhi, and member of the erstwhile royal family of Kanker in Chhattisgarh, explains it thus: 'The BJP and RSS represent a form of cultural nationalism where custom, tradition and history form the bedrock of their political imagery of a pristine nation. As polities described as monarchial have been the commonest and most remarkable type of high politics and political system in South Asia, and been integral to a certain understanding of the nature of Indian civilisation, they have found greater acceptance in the political discourse of post-liberal India.' PROJECT RAJThough the Congress has counted many royals in its ranks—Karan Singh, the titular maharaja of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, Amarinder Singh (now in the BJP) of the Patiala royal family, the late Madhavrao Scindia of the erstwhile Gwalior ruling family, Rajya Sabha member and former MP CM Digvijaya Singh of Raghogarh the most prominent among them—the party's relationship with the princely states was always prickly since the abolition of the privy purses in 1971 besides the withdrawal of other privileges, such as the right to hold an unspecified number of weapons and use royal titles. The following year, as former IAS officer Ranjitsinh, member of the erstwhile ruling family of Wankaner, points out, 'The Wildlife Protection Act hit the former royals' fortunes not just because they indulged in shikaar but also because many of them ran commercial shikaar companies that attracted foreign clients.'advertisementMore recently, in a media article in November 2024, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi drew the ire of several erstwhile rulers when he referred to maharajas and nawabs as collaborators of the East India BJP is now seeking to correct this 'historical wrong', which it sees as a one-sided narrative spread by the colonialists to suit their interests. 'Royal families,' says Dr Pankaj Sharma, director of the department of archaeology and museums in the Gujarat government, 'were often painted as antagonists who were bad administrators, disliked by the locals, and who succumbed to the British Raj, compromising public interests, to maintain their privileges. Their contributions and sacrifices in integrating with the Union of India, the public welfare initiatives, their rich cultural heritage, stories of their valour and service to society have been overlooked.'advertisementThe RSS is in agreement with the BJP's viewpoint. 'The RSS is absolutely in agreement with monarchy. It is in keeping with the concept of Hindutva. India's glorious past includes royalty, which needs to be celebrated,' says a source close to the Sangh. Plus, the fact that many former royals continue to control trusts that administer temples helps the BJP's Hindutva is, of course, a political logic to the BJP's royal overtures. As the party expands its reach across geographies and communities, it has been seeking icons it can use to rally voters, building statues or monuments in their name. Royals fulfil that purpose equally. Witness the prime minister's recent invocation of the legacy of Rajaraja Chola and his son Rajendra Chola I during a trip to Tamil OF THRONESThe BJP's strategy is evident in the apparent relaxation of norms around ticket distribution and its policy of denying tickets to the kin of elected representatives. For instance, Vishvaraj Singh, the titular maharaja of Mewar and the BJP MLA from Nathdwara, Rajasthan, was fielded in the December 2023 assembly election and, six months later, his wife Mahima Kumari, too, was nominated for the Lok Sabha. Both won their respective in Madhya Pradesh, tribal leader and minister Kunwar Vijay Shah, who hails from the erstwhile estate of Makrai, was nominated from Harsud. His brother contested in neighbouring Timarni, though he lost to his nephew from the the east, the BJP appointed party veteran and former royal Kanak Vardan Singh Deo of Balangir as a deputy CM of Odisha in 2024, while his wife Sangeeta Singh Deo was re-elected to the Lok Sabha. In West Bengal—a state once home to India's longest-running communist government—it nominated Amrita Roy, the 'Rajmata' of Krishnanagar, for the Krishnanagar Lok Sabha seat, though she lost the election. Earlier, in 2023, the party had sent self-styled Koch royal Anant Maharaj, who claims to be king of the Rajbanshi community in North Bengal, to the Rajya Sabha. His election was widely seen as an attempt to consolidate the Rajbanshi vote in the politically volatile region around Cooch Behar and Alipurduar. Likewise, the party nominated Kesridevsinh Jhala of Wankaner in 2023 and Devendra Pratap Singh of the former princely state of Raigarh to the Upper House in 2024, from Gujarat and Chhattisgarh, does cultivating royalty get the BJP at a practical level? 'In the initial years after Independence, many members of the erstwhile royal families moved to cities from their places of residence. But, with tourism picking up, properties being converted into hotels, and many of them joining politics, the connect with the local people continued. In many instances, this translated into electoral advantage, making political parties nominate members of royal families,' explains Ranjitsinh. Their royal status gives them winnability, which is a key factor in ticket distribution for the BJP, as MP minister Kailash Vijayvargiya points BJP's royal turn is not without its biases, though, often shaped by religious and historical narrative. In Bhopal, for example, party MP Alok Sharma has been running a campaign against the erstwhile ruling family, blaming the last nawab Hamidullah Khan for delaying the merger and harbouring plans to join Pakistan post-Independence, a charge that has often been levelled against non-Muslim princely states too. And who can forget the furore caused by senior BJP leader Parshottam Rupala shortly before the 2024 election, when his remark that the erstwhile maharajas capitulated to Britishers, broke bread with them and even married off their daughters to them, had the entire Kshatriya community up in arms. Rupala was nonetheless fortunate to win his constituency Rajkot that year. Also worth noting is the BJP government's 2019 amendment to the Arms Act, which reduced the number of licenced weapons an individual can possess from three to two. A similar move during the UPA era had been stalled following interventions by MPs, particularly those from royal PRAGMATISMWhat do the royals themselves think of the BJP's outreach? 'The blessings of the Almighty and our ancestors, as well as our conduct, have fortunately earned the continued confidence of the public. I am thankful to the party (BJP) and the people for giving me an opportunity to contribute to our country's development,' says Vishvaraj. Digvijaya, however, doubts 'the BJP's faith in the tenets of the Constitution, which espouses equality for all'. Claiming that the party has a soft corner for royalty, he says: 'As far as my family is concerned, we chose the path of democracy and did not join the Jana Sangh or the BJP, although they were very keen.'From a historical perspective, royalty, says a section of sociologists, has always aligned with the winning side. 'Royalty, like political actors of all types, does survive through tactical alliances, etc. Just as we have politicians who are consummate survivors, so too are there royal dynasties that have managed to hold relevance despite all kinds of historical changes and challenges,' says author Manu Pillai. 'It is a bit simplistic to reduce the princely legacy to one of 'collaborators with the Raj'; it is like applying black and white lenses to present-day politics, which actually has many more layers and complexities.'A ROYAL REVAMPThat said, royals are trying to reinvent themselves in the modern world. Zamindars and rajas—cast as evil and exploitative in the Bollywood films of the 1980s and '90s—are now increasingly celebrated in popular culture. Their public image has shifted, too, with erstwhile royals now regulars on the conclave circuit, on podcasts and chat shows. Radhika Raje Gaekwad of the former Baroda royal family was recently invited by a newspaper to write about an OTT show that did not paint a very charitable picture of her ilk. 'There is definitely an allure, and it began when magazines like Hello, which had covered European royalty, came to India. The magazines featured royals on their covers and their palaces were opened up for people to see them through their pages. Social media, too, has a major role to play as it provides royals a platform to tell their stories like they wanted to,' she Khanna, a communication professional, says earlier, if a glossy featured an industrialist, a sportsperson and a professional, today it also covers a former royal as part of the spread. 'Many among the younger lot of erstwhile royals have studied at foreign universities. Having returned, they are now pursuing careers relevant to the times and have played a major role in changing the narrative,' says Khanna, who set up Royal Fables in 2010, a platform that showcases royal India.'Our families are often subjected to statue politics, unwarranted comments and misrepresentation by politicians and the entertainment industry,' says Vishvaraj. 'True recognition will come when both historical and contemporary records are presented factually, and strict action is taken against those who malign our families and ancestors for personal or political gain.'Until then, the erstwhile rulers will throw their lot with the party that is the real ruler in exchange for preserving their political and cultural relevance.—with Dhaval S. Kulkarni, Rohit Parihar, Jumana Shah and Arkamoy Datta MajumdarSubscribe to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch
India Today
4 minutes ago
- India Today
Despite war and warnings, US traded more with Russia than ally Ukraine
United States President Donald Trump on August 6 announced an additional tariff of 25 per cent on India, taking the total to 50 per cent, making tariffs on India one of the highest in the tariffs, as per Trump, are a sanction against India for importing fuel from Russia. Trump alleges that India, by doing this, has been financing the Russian invasion of data by the US Census Bureau presents a different picture.A deep dive into the monthly trade data of the US with Russia and Ukraine reveals that the US has been doing more trade with Russia than it is with since the war began in February 2022, the US-Russia total trade has stood at USD 25.233 billion, while the trade with Ukraine stands at a mere USD 9.69 we merely look at import data for the two nations, as Trump's major concern is India financing Russia through imports, we see a trend that exposes US hypocrisy. In 2022, US imports from Russia stood at USD 14.43 billion, while imports from Ukraine stood at $1.503 billion In 2023, US imports from Russia stood at USD 4.57 billion, while imports from Ukraine fell to USD 1.39 billion In 2024, US imports from Russia stood at USD 3 billion, while imports from Ukraine stood at USD 1.17 billion In 2025, till June, US imports from Russia stood at USD 2billion while imports from Ukraine stood at merely USD 769 trend is clear, in terms of imports. Even though substantially reduced, the US continues to buy from Russia more than it does from all, the US has imported goods worth over USD 22 billion from Russia, ever since Ukraine was attacked, while has only imported goods worth USD 4 billion in the same time period from we take a look at the percentage increase in Indian trade cooperation with Ukraine, when it comes to Ukrainian imports to India, since the the war began during FY 2021-22, India imported USD 3.38 billion worth of goods from Ukraine, as per data published by the Indian Embassy in Kyiv, while in 2024-25 this data stood at USD 1.2 billion, which stands more than what the US buys from the war-torn the data is clear: While the US has accused India of arming and financing the Russian war, it is the US which is financing Russia more than it is financing Ukraine through trade, while India is balancing its partnership without taking a side and without financing any one side.- EndsTune InMust Watch
Indian Express
4 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Is India stepping in to China's maritime backyard? The answer is complex
Last week, India and the Philippines undertook a joint naval exercise in the West Philippine Sea — waters that fall within the broader South China Sea and are claimed by China. Though widely reported as a first, this wasn't the maiden India-Philippines patrol in the region; the two navies last conducted joint drills in the West Philippine Sea in 2021. Extensively covered in the international press, the latest exercise came on the eve of Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr's state visit to India, lending the event added political weight. To some observers, the move suggests a meaningful evolution of India's maritime posture. New Delhi has long avoided entanglement in Southeast Asia's territorial disputes. Despite its support for freedom of navigation in the regional littorals, India's naval engagement there has remained measured and largely symbolic. But as proponents of Indian force projection in the Indo-Pacific see it, last week's engagement suggests more than a subtle shift in Indian strategy — an indication of growing resolve in New Delhi to operate in Beijing's strategic backyard. Yet, it is plausible that this is not a geopolitical escalation by India. The exercise could well have been part of a routine overseas deployment to the Western Pacific — a gesture of solidarity rather than a major recalibration of maritime strategy. To start, the initiative appears driven not by India but by the Philippines. Facing mounting pressure from Beijing in its maritime backyard, Manila has, in recent years, deepened security ties with the United States, Japan, Australia, and France. Bringing India into the fold appears intended not so much to challenge China frontally, but rather as part of a broader hedging strategy to deter growing Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. This interpretation aligns with the official Philippine framing of the exercise. In an interaction with the press last week, Philippine Armed Forces Chief General Romeo Brawner described the joint sail as a step toward deterrence, citing the need for coalition-building with friendly nations to uphold the maritime order. While Manila has ramped up joint patrols with the United States and other partners, its rationale for naval engagement with India seems somewhat different. India is not a treaty ally; it neither stations forces in Southeast Asia nor seeks to contain China in the Western Pacific. For Manila, cooperation with India is valuable because it signals support for Philippine sovereignty beyond its traditional alliances. While China's maritime disagreements extend across the region — from Vietnam and Malaysia to Brunei and Taiwan — its friction with the Philippines is particularly fraught. Beijing views Manila's efforts to internationalise the South China Sea dispute, particularly its hosting of US forces under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, as deliberately provocative. Even Manila's recent decision to sign a defence pact with Lithuania, ostensibly to 'build a coalition against aggression,' was viewed in Beijing as an affront. Not surprisingly, Chinese ships reportedly shadowed Indian and Philippine warships last week, although no untoward incident occurred. Crucially, India approaches the region with a different calculus. As a proponent of a rules-based maritime order, New Delhi has consistently advocated freedom of navigation and peaceful resolution of disputes in the South China Sea. Indian planners recognise the importance of presence, but deployments are still carefully calibrated, emphasising partnership over provocation. This reflects a clear strain of geopolitical pragmatism. New Delhi realises it is not a party to the regional disputes and avoids involvement in matters that do not directly affect its strategic interests. While Indian policymakers acknowledge China's propensity for coercive behaviour, they also recognise its significant military edge in the region. Indian naval strategists understand that the People's Liberation Army Navy has developed formidable infrastructure on artificial islands and exercises effective control over key waterways. They know Beijing retains the capacity to impose costs on foreign navies operating in contested spaces. Importantly, India and China have long sought to preserve a delicate balance in the Indo-Pacific. While rivalry persists — particularly along the Himalayan frontier and in the Indian Ocean — the two Asian powers have steered clear of actions in the maritime commons that could be construed as overt containment. The calculus is straightforward: by avoiding military posturing in each other's near seas, both sides aim to keep their red lines intact. That logic has broadly held for the past decade, even as Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean has steadily expanded. Beijing's growing footprint west of Malacca is a concern, but not yet a crisis. Crucially, China has refrained from challenging India in South Asia, where New Delhi's strategic equities are strongest and its deterrent posture most credible. Meanwhile, India's defence relationship with the Philippines has grown significantly — most visibly through the sale of BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles — even as New Delhi has been careful to project itself as a credible security partner, not a China antagonist. With a substantial share of Indian trade passing through the Malacca Strait, New Delhi has largely framed its presence in terms of economics, connectivity, and regional goodwill. To be sure, should China cross certain thresholds — say, by militarising the Andaman Sea or establishing permanent military facilities in the Indian Ocean — India would almost certainly revisit its South China Sea posture. Until then, however, a strategic shift east of Malacca remains unlikely. The recent sail with the Philippines is best seen as a gesture: One that signals India's interest in regional stability and support for a partner under pressure, without upending its longstanding policy of cautious engagement in the South China Sea. It is a diplomatic message wrapped in maritime symbolism — a demonstration of solidarity, not a sabre rattled in warning. The writer is a retired naval officer and former Head of the maritime policy initiative at ORF, New Delhi
