Caste Census Key to Social Justice, Says Youth Welfare President Khalid Naveed
In a press statement, he emphasized that for decades, caste data collection has been limited to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, leaving Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and other marginalized communities underrepresented in policymaking.
'The caste census will provide accurate socio-economic data, allowing the government to better target welfare schemes and reservations,' Naveed stated. He noted that existing programs often fail to reach the most disadvantaged due to intersecting inequalities of caste, gender, geography, and poverty.
Following the release of Bihar's caste census in 2023, which revealed that OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes made up over 63% of the state's population, several states including Telangana initiated similar surveys. This created momentum for a nationwide caste census, now backed by the Central Government—a significant policy shift after 70 years.
Naveed also referenced the 1980 Mandal Commission, which advocated for OBC reservations but lacked updated caste data. Similarly, the 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census was never fully published, drawing criticism from scholars and activists.
While critics argue the census might deepen caste divisions, Naveed stressed that a transparent and accurate caste enumeration would promote fair representation, help recalibrate reservation policies, and ensure that affirmative action reaches those who need it most.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hindustan Times
21 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
NDA's choice for Vice President
Maharashtra governor CP Radhakrishnan, 68, will very likely be the next Vice-President (VP) of India, considering that the National Democratic Alliance has the numbers to get its nominee elected to the office. Radhakrishnan, a senior BJP leader from Tamil Nadu and twice a Lok Sabha MP, is an interesting choice; and his political career is in sharp contrast to his predecessor, Jagdeep Dhankhar, who resigned unexpectedly in late July. Unlike Dhankhar, who was a late entrant into the BJP after having worked in the Janata Dal and the Congress, Radhakrishnan's political grooming was in the RSS (starting in his teens) before he moved to build the BJP organisation in Tamil Nadu when the political climate in the state was unfriendly to the party. Politics apart, CP Radhakrishnan's likely ascent to the VP's office enhances regional diversity in high public office (PTI) The VP's is a post rich in symbolism, and hence, the choice for the office is important from the perspective of political optics. In this respect, Radhakrishnan ticks many boxes for the BJP (the party has said its allies are on board with its pick). One, he is a party insider with strong ideological moorings and discipline, having been involved in organisational work for many years. His entry into electoral politics in the 1990s coincided with the expansion of the NDA in Tamil Nadu, which appeared out of bounds for the BJP, a party seen as the antithesis of the Dravidian ideology. Radhakrishnan was elected to the Lok Sabha from Coimbatore, an industrial city, in 1998 and 1999, with the support of the AIADMK and DMK, respectively, which suggests an ability to negotiate political contradictions. While he lost in 2014 and 2019, he still ended up with almost a third of the votes cast. Two, the choice of a Tamil for an important constitutional post should serve the BJP well when elections take place in the state next year. It could defuse the DMK's charge that the BJP is prone to ignoring the interests of Tamils. Three, Radhakrishnan belongs to the Gounder caste, an OBC community, with significant political and economic influence in western Tamil Nadu. It may also help the BJP firm up its alliance with the AIADMK, which is strong in western Tamil Nadu: AIADMK chief and former Tamil Nadu CM Edappadi Palaniswamy, also a Gounder, has already welcomed Radhakrishnan's nomination. Four, it could help the BJP at a time OBC consolidation is gaining traction in national politics — Dravidian politics itself is centred on OBC empowerment. Politics apart, Radhakrishnan's likely ascent to the VP's office enhances regional diversity in high public office: Southern India has been relatively under-represented since Venkiah Naidu demitted office as VP in 2022. That said, Radhakrishnan will need all his parliamentary and political experience to conduct the Upper House.
The Print
an hour ago
- The Print
In Haryana organisational reshuffle, how Congress taking leaf out of BJP's caste playbook
A look at the Congress's list of district presidents announced on 12 August shows the party's restructuring mirrors the BJP's approach, which secured its third consecutive term in Haryana by consolidating non-Jat and OBC votes. By relying on non-Jat communities, particularly Other Backward Classes (OBCs), while appointing 32 district presidents recently, the Congress has signalled a deliberate shift away from its traditional Jat-centric voter base to build a more inclusive caste coalition, aiming to challenge the BJP's dominance which has been in power in the state since 2014. Gurugram: In a shift aimed at reclaiming the ground it lost in the 2024 Haryana assembly elections within months of strong performance in the state in the Lok Sabha polls, the Congress has evidently followed the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) successful caste-based strategy while effecting a major organisational overhaul in 11 years. Ahead of the 2024 state elections, the BJP replaced its chief minister for 10 years Manohar Lal Khattar with Nayab Singh Saini, an OBC leader. It proved to be a masterstroke in appealing to backward classes, as the party won the Assembly election, defying all predictions of a Congress victory. Also Read: In faction-ridden Haryana, Rahul's revival mission for Congress calls for return to basics Mimicking BJP's caste calculus Taking a leaf out of the BJP's playbook, the Congress has appointed 10 OBC district presidents, including four Gujjars (Ramchandra Gujjar for Kaithal and Netrapal Adhana for Palwal among them), three Yadavs (Vardhan Yadav for Gurugram Rural, Satyavir Yadav for Mahendragarh and Sanjay Yadav for Jhajjar) and three from other OBC castes. This move is being seen as a direct response to the BJP's 'Saini card', and the Congress positioning itself as an advocate of OBCs in the next electoral cycle. The BJP recently announced 27 district presidents for Haryana's 22 districts, with additional presidents for areas like Hansi, Greater Gurugram, Gohana, Dabwali, and Ballabhgarh, hinting at potential new district formations in the state. The BJP appointed eight OBC district presidents, five Brahmins, five Punjabis, four Jats, two Rajputs, two Scheduled Castes (SC), and one Bania, with four women included in the list. This diverse representation underscores the BJP's strategy of balancing caste equations while maintaining a broad caste appeal. For the Congress, it was the first instance of setting up district organisations the state in 11 years—no organisational structure could be set up when Ashok Tanwar was Haryana Pradesh Congress Committee chief from 2014 to 2019, or when Kumari Selja was at the helm from 2019 to April 2022 or in the first three years of incumbent state president Udai Bhan who took over from her. Cutting on Jat dominance Historically reliant on Jat votes, which account for roughly 25 per cent of Haryana's population, the Congress has now deliberately reduced Jat dominance in its organisational structure. Only six Jat leaders—Anirudh Choudhary (Bhiwani Rural), Rishipal Singh (Jind), Mewa Singh (Kurukshetra), Ramesh Malik (Sonipat Rural), Sanjeev Kumar Dahiya, and Parvinder Pari (Ambala Cantt)—have been appointed as district presidents. Even in Jat strongholds like Rohtak and Jhajjar, non-Jat leaders have been made district presidents, marking a departure from the party's Jat-centric politics which backfired in the 2024 elections due to limited consolidation. Political analyst Kushal Pal, principal at Indira Gandhi PG College, Ladwa, told The Print Monday the Congress appears to have learnt from its electoral mistakes. 'Before the 2024 elections, it was presumed that the BJP's appointment of Nayab Saini as CM would polarise voters on Jat versus non-Jat lines. However, the Congress itself turned the election into a Jat versus non-Jat contest with the party projecting Bhupinder Singh Hooda as the next CM in almost every election meeting,' Pal said. 'Casteist remarks against Selja by a Congress leader in Narnaund, where Hooda loyalist Jassi Petwar was contesting, and Selja's subsequent absence from the campaign worsened the situation. The new district president list shows the Congress is now correcting these mistakes,' he said. Broadens appeal to general, minorities To widen its voter base, the Congress has appointed nine non-Jat general category leaders, including three Punjabis, two Banias, two Rajputs and two Brahmins, targeting urban and trading communities. Besides, five SC leaders and one Muslim leader have been appointed to strengthen Congress's hold in Mewat and appeal to minority communities. Pal noted that Dalits, traditionally Congress voters, had been drifting away from the party. 'With five SC district presidents, compared to the BJP's two, the Congress is making a concerted effort to win back Dalit support,' he said. The appointments also reflect Congress's attempt to balance its internal factions, particularly between former chief minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda and Kumari Selja. Hooda's faction dominates the list, but Selja's camp has secured key positions, especially in geographical area along the Grand Trunk Road, or the GT Belt (Panchkula, Ambala, Yamunanagar, Kurukshetra, Karnal and Panipat), which has 11 district units. Of these, five leaders each from the Hooda and Selja camps have been accommodated. Hooda's faction dominates Karnal, Kurukshetra, and Panipat Rural, with Panipat Urban's appointment still pending. Lesson from 2024 Jyoti Mishra, assistant professor of Political Science at Amity University, Mohali, and a former researcher at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), told The Print that Congress's 2024 defeat stemmed from its over-reliance on Jat leadership and the assumption that Jat votes alone would suffice. 'The BJP, in contrast, built a broad coalition, fielding candidates and running campaigns that appealed to diverse caste groups, which paid off handsomely. The Congress is now widening its scope through this leadership restructuring,' Mishra said. She added that by appointing OBCs, Dalits, Brahmins, Punjabis, and other non-Jat leaders, the Congress is signalling inclusivity. 'This strategy not only counters the perception of being a Jat-centric party but also positions the Congress to connect with a broader societal cross-section. If sustained with consistent outreach, this approach could significantly bolster the Congress's prospects in Haryana,' Mishra concluded. (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: Cracking whip on officials with suspensions & salary cuts, Saini govt follows in Khattar's footsteps
The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Steel Minister urged to stop ‘calculated moves' to privatise Vizag Steel Plant
Following reports that the Union Steel Ministry has decided to contract out over 32 segments of Visakhapatnam Steel Plant's operations to private companies, former Secretary to the Government of India E.A.S. Sarma on Monday (August 18) shot off a letter to Union Minister for Steel H.D. Kumaraswamy, opposing the same and saying the move would destroy the VSP as a public-sector entity. Mr. Sarma said both the Centre and the NDA government at the State were making a series of calculated moves to destroy the Central Public Sector Enterprise (CPSE) character of the VSP. Refusing to allot a captive iron ore mine to the VSP while allotting multiple mineral blocks to private companies is one of such steps, he said, adding that the VSP was also not provided timely supply of inputs like coking coal. Mr. Sarma said the TDP-JSP combine was pampering ArcelorMittal with multiple concessions, such as land at a cheap rate, a captive port and the usual package of tax and other subventions, which total far more than the measly financial package of ₹11,440 crore by the Centre to the VSP. Mr. Sarma said the piecemeal privatisation of the RINL's operations, weakening its management and destroying its public sector character would result in the transfer of ownership of highly valuable land and machinery to private hands at an unconscionably low price, as no private promoter could ever afford to compensate the government for the true value of those assets. Privatisation of the VSP, either as a complete entity or in a piecemeal manner, would reduce employment opportunities for local youth in north Andhra, would permanently close the doors for reservations for SCs/STs/OBCs, which poses a serious socio-economic concern, he said. Mr. Sarma appealed to the Union Minister to stand by the employees of the VSP and the people of north Andhra by putting a stop to the moves.
