logo
South Korea, Vietnam leaders to pledge deeper ties amid trade challenges

South Korea, Vietnam leaders to pledge deeper ties amid trade challenges

Hindustan Times11-08-2025
SEOUL, - South Korea and Vietnam will pledge deeper economic and strategic cooperation when their leaders hold a summit on Monday as the former Cold War-era foes seek to leverage their business ties to navigate a challenging global trading environment. South Korea, Vietnam leaders to pledge deeper ties amid trade challenges
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung hosts Vietnamese leader To Lam as his first state guest since taking office on June 4 and will discuss promoting trade and investment in the Southeast Asian country, Lee's office said.
Lam, who is the Vietnamese Communist Party general secretary, leads a delegation of industry, trade, foreign and technology ministers and senior party and parliament members on the four-day state visit.
The countries plan to sign at least 10 memoranda of understanding at the summit meeting, pledging cooperation in nuclear and renewable energy, monetary and financial policies, and science and technology, Lee's office said.
The rare visit by the Vietnamese leader is expected to contribute to a favourable condition for South Korean businesses to invest in major infrastructure and nuclear energy projects planned in Vietnam, it said.
A number of major South Korean companies including Samsung Electronics have used Vietnam as an export hub, benefiting for years from lower labour costs, generous tax incentives and Hanoi's numerous free trade pacts with dozens of countries.
But the trade policy of U.S. President Donald Trump, who imposed sweeping new tariffs on the Asian countries in recent weeks, has increased uncertainty over future business commitments, with Vietnamese official data showing a slowdown in new investment.
South Korean companies have been cited as potential investors in Vietnam's planned nuclear energy, LNG power plants and high-speed rail projects.
Trump has imposed a tariff rate of 15% for South Korean goods and 20% for imports from Vietnam.
This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Supreme Court steps in: ISL clubs, AIFF and FSDL face decisive showdown
Supreme Court steps in: ISL clubs, AIFF and FSDL face decisive showdown

India Today

time2 hours ago

  • India Today

Supreme Court steps in: ISL clubs, AIFF and FSDL face decisive showdown

The Supreme Court has fixed August 22 to hear the dispute between the All India Football Federation (AIFF) and Football Sports Development Limited (FSDL) over the renewal of Indian Super League (ISL) contracts. The impasse has left 11 clubs of the league in uncertainty, with the upcoming season hanging in the balance until clarity is case reached the top court after ISL clubs raised alarm in a letter to the AIFF, warning that without renewal of the agreement, the league 'cannot take place' and their operations faced an existential crisis. The clubs also criticised the federation for leaving them out of discussions with FSDL, arguing that player contracts, sponsorships and commercial deals were already under and the AIFF U-turnInitially, AIFF president Kalyan Chaubey suggested that the federation could continue to run the ISL on its own if the deal with FSDL lapsed. But that stance quickly unravelled in court. Senior Advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan, appearing for the clubs, reminded the bench that the AIFF constitution itself barred the federation from unilaterally running a commercial league. 'The AIFF constitution makes it clear that it cannot itself run the ISL or any league without the involvement of an authorised entity. Any attempt to do so would be a violation of its statutes,' Sankaranarayanan submission highlighted that Article 19 of the AIFF's statutes requires executive committee approval and alignment with FIFA and AFC rules before sanctioning any competition. Under pressure, the AIFF was forced to retract its earlier position, acknowledging it could not bypass its contractual is at stake for Indian football?For the clubs, the outcome of this standoff could decide not only their financial stability but also the careers of hundreds of Indian players. With training camps delayed and sponsorships in limbo, uncertainty has already seeped into the domestic football standoff also risks harming India's reputation within Asian football circles at a time when the national team's development has been under scrutiny. As the Supreme Court steps in, the verdict will carry consequences far beyond the ISL, potentially shaping the governance and commercial future of Indian football itself.- Ends

Brash US ambassador pick for Malayasia marks a turning point in diplomatic ties
Brash US ambassador pick for Malayasia marks a turning point in diplomatic ties

Scroll.in

time2 hours ago

  • Scroll.in

Brash US ambassador pick for Malayasia marks a turning point in diplomatic ties

President Donald Trump's pick to be the United States' next ambassador to Malaysia has raised more than a few eyebrows in the Southeast Asian nation. Right-wing influencer Nick Adams, a naturalised American born and raised in Australia, is, by his own account, a weightlifting, Bible-reading, 'wildly successful' and 'extremely charismatic' fan of Hooters and rare steaks, with the 'physique of a Greek God' and 'an IQ over 180.' Such brashness seems at odds with the usually more quiet business of diplomacy. The same could be said about Adams' lack of relevant experience, temperament and expressed opinions – which clash starkly with prevailing sentiment in majority-Muslim, socially conservative Malaysia. Whereas the US usually sends a career State Department official as ambassador to Malaysia, Adams is most definitely a 'political' nominee. His prior public service, as councilor, then deputy mayor, of a Sydney suburb ended abruptly in 2009 amid displays of undiplomatic temper. Yet far more problematic for his new posting is his past perceived disparaging of Islam and ardent pro-Israel views – lightning rod issues in a country that lacks diplomatic relations with Israel and whose population trends strongly pro-Palestinian. So it was little surprise when news of Adam's nomination on July 9, 2025, prompted angry pushback among the Malaysian public and politicians. Whether or not Malaysia would officially reject his appointment, assuming Adams is confirmed, remains uncertain, notwithstanding strong domestic pressure on Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim to do so. But regardless, the nomination marks a turning point in US-Malaysian diplomatic relations, something I have been tracking for over 25 years. In my view, it communicates an overt US disregard for diplomatic norms, such as the signaling of respect and consideration for a partner state. It also reflects the decline in a relationship that for decades had been overwhelmingly stable and amicable. And all this may play into the hands of China, Washington's main rival for influence in Southeast Asia. Trump wedge in ties The US and Malaysia have largely enjoyed warm relations over the years, notwithstanding occasional rhetorical grandstanding, especially on the part of former longtime Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. Having successfully battled a communist insurgency during the mid-20th century, Malaysia remained reliably anti-communist throughout the Cold War, much to Washington's liking. Malaysia also occupies a strategically important position along the Strait of Malacca and has been an important source of both raw materials such as rubber and for the manufacturing of everything from latex gloves to semiconductors. In return, Malaysia has benefited both from the US security umbrella and robust trade and investment. But even before Trump's announcement of his ambassadorship pick, bilateral relations were tense. The most immediate cause was tariffs. In April, the US announced a tariff rate for Malaysia of 24%. Despite efforts to negotiate, the Trump administration indicated the rate would increase further to 25% should no deal materialise by August 1. That the White House released its revised tariff rate just two days before announcing Adams' nomination – and just over a month after Ibrahim held apparently cordial discussions with US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore – only added to Malaysia's grievance. Malaysia may reap some benefit from the new US trade policy, should Trump's broader agenda results in supply chains bypassing China in favor of Southeast Asia, and investors seek new outlets amid Trump's targeted feuds. But Malaysia's roughly US$25 billion trade surplus with the U.S., its preference for ' low-profile functionality ' in regard to its relationship with the U.S., and the general volatility of economic conditions, leave Malaysia still vulnerable. Moreover, trade policy sticking points for the US include areas where Malaysia is loath to bend, such as in its convoluted regulations for halal certification and preferential policies favoring the Malay majority that have long hindered trade negotiations between the two countries. End of the student pipeline The punishing tariffs the White House has threatened leave Malaysia in a bind. The US is Malaysia's biggest investor and lags only China and Singapore in volume of trade. As such, the government in Kuala Lumpur may have little choice but to sacrifice domestic approval to economic expediency. Nor is trade the only source of angst. The White House's pressure on American institutions of higher education is effecting collateral damage on a host of its ostensible allies, Malaysia included. Although numbers have declined since the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, the US has remained a popular destination for Malaysians seeking education abroad. In the 1980s, over 10,000 Malaysians enrolled in US colleges and universities annually. Prior to the Covid-19 pandemic, numbers stabilised at around 8,000. But after, enrollments struggled to recover – reaching only 5,223 in 2024. Now, they are falling anew. In the first Trump administration, the visa approval rate for Malaysian students remained high despite Trump's 'Muslim ban' exacerbating impressions of an unwelcoming environment or difficult process. Now, economic uncertainty from trade wars and a struggling Malaysian currency, coupled with proliferating alternatives, make the comparatively high expense of studying in the U.S. even more of a deterrent. Yet what propelled Anwar's administration to announce that it will no longer send government-funded scholarship students to the US – a key conduit for top students to pursue degrees overseas – was specifically the risks inherent in Trump's policies, including threats to bar foreign students at certain universities and stepped-up social media screening of visa applicants. Looking beyond a US-led order Clearly, Malaysia's government believes that deteriorating relations with the US are not in its best interests. Yet as the junior partner in the relationship, Malaysia has limited ability to improve them. In that, Kuala Lumpur has found itself in a similar boat to other countries in the region who are likewise reconsidering their strategic relationship with the United States amid Trump 2.0's dramatic reconfiguration of American foreign policy priorities. When sparring with China for influence in Southeast Asia, the US has, until recently, propounded norms of a Western-centric ' liberal international order' in the region – promoting such values as openness to trade and investment, secure sovereignty and respect for international law. Malaysia has accepted, and benefited from, that framework, even as it has pushed back against U.S. positions on the Middle East and, in the past, on issues related to human rights and civil liberties. But amid the Trump administration's unpredictability in upholding this status quo, a small, middle-income state like Malaysia may have little option beyond pursuing a more determinedly nonaligned neutrality and strategic pragmatism. Indeed, as the US sheds its focus on such priorities as democracy and human rights, China's proffered ' community with a shared future ', emphasising common interests and a harmonious neighborhood, cannot help but seem more appealing. This is true even while Malaysia recognises the limitations to China's approach, too, and resists being pushed to 'pick sides'. Malaysia is, after all, loath to be part of a sphere of influence dominated by China, especially amid ongoing antagonism over China's claims in the South China Sea – something that drives Malaysia and fellow counterclaimants in Southeast Asia toward security cooperation with the US. That said, Anwar's administration seemed already to be drifting toward China and away from the West even before the latest unfriendly developments emanating from Washington. This includes announcing in June 2024 its plan to join the BRICS economic bloc of low- and middle-income nations. Burning bridges Now, the more bridges the US burns, the less of a path it leaves back to the heady aspirations of the first Trump administration's ' Free and Open Indo-Pacific' framework, which had highlighted the mutual benefit it enjoyed and shared principles it held with allies in Asia. Instead, Malaysia's plight exemplifies what a baldly transactional and one-sided approach produces in practice. As one ruling-coalition member of parliament recently described, Adams would be the rare US ambassador with whom Malaysian politicians would be loath to pose for photos. And that fact alone speaks volumes about diplomacy and evolving global strategic realities in the MAGA era.

All About The Crimean Peninsula Russia Seized From Ukraine Over A Decade Ago
All About The Crimean Peninsula Russia Seized From Ukraine Over A Decade Ago

NDTV

time4 hours ago

  • NDTV

All About The Crimean Peninsula Russia Seized From Ukraine Over A Decade Ago

Russia's illegal seizure of the Crimean Peninsula from Ukraine in March 2014 was quick and bloodless, and it sent Moscow's relations with the West into a downward spiral unseen since the Cold War. It also paved the way for Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, during which Moscow illegally annexed more land from its neighbour. A look at the diamond-shaped peninsula in the Black Sea, coveted by both Russia and Ukraine for its naval bases and beaches: In 2013-14, a massive popular uprising gripped Ukraine for weeks, eventually forcing pro-Moscow President Victor Yanukovych from office. Amid the turmoil, Russian President Vladimir Putin pounced, sending armed troops without insignia to overrun Crimea. Putin later called a referendum in Crimea to join Russia that Ukraine and the West dismissed as illegal. Russia's relations with the West plummeted to new lows. The United States, the European Union and other countries imposed sanctions on Moscow and its officials. Moscow's illegal annexation of Crimea on March 18, 2014, was recognised only by countries such as North Korea and Sudan. In Russia, it touched off a wave of patriotism, and "Krym nash!" - "Crimea is ours!" - became a rallying cry. The move sent Putin's popularity soaring. His approval rating, which had declined to 65% in January 2014, shot to 86% in June, according to the Levada Center, an independent Russian pollster. Putin has called the peninsula "a sacred place" and has prosecuted those who publicly argue it is part of Ukraine - particularly the Crimean Tatars, who strongly opposed the annexation. After the annexation, fighting broke out in eastern Ukraine between pro-Kremlin militias and Kyiv's forces. Moscow threw its weight behind the insurgents, even though it denied supporting them with troops and weapons. There was abundant evidence to the contrary, including a Dutch court's finding that a Russia-supplied air defence system shot down a Malaysia Airlines passenger jet over eastern Ukraine in July 2014, killing all 298 people aboard. Russian hard-liners later criticised Putin for failing to capture all of Ukraine that year, arguing it was easily possible at a time when the government in Kyiv was in disarray and its military in shambles. The fighting in eastern Ukraine continued, on and off, until February 2022, when Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Crimea's unique location makes it a strategically impornt assetat, and Russia has spent centuries fighting for it. The peninsula was home to Turkic-speaking Tatars when the Russian empire first annexed it in the 18th century. It briefly regained independence two centuries later before being swallowed by the Soviet Union. Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev transferred Crimea from Russia to Ukraine in 1954, when both were part of the USSR, to commemorate the 300th anniversary of the unification of Moscow and Kyiv. In 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed, the peninsula became part of newly independent Ukraine. Russia kept a foot in the door, however: Its Black Sea Fleet had a base in the city of Sevastopol, and Crimea - as part of Ukraine - continued to host it. By the time Russia annexed it in 2014, it had been within Ukraine for 60 years and was part of the country's identity. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has vowed to retake it and said Russia "won't be able to steal" the peninsula. For either side, possession of Crimea is key to control over activities in the Black Sea - a critical corridor for the world's grain, among other goods. Ahead of its full-scale invasion, Moscow deployed troops and weapons to Crimea, allowing Russian forces to quickly seize large parts of southern Ukraine early in the war. A top Russian military official later said that securing a land corridor from Russia to Crimea by holding the occupied parts of Ukraine's Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions was among the key goals of what the Kremlin called its "special military operation" in Ukraine. Before the invasion, Zelenskyy focused on diplomatic efforts to get Crimea back, but after Russian troops poured across the border, Kyiv began publicly contemplating retaking the peninsula by force. The peninsula soon became a battleground, with Ukraine launching drone attacks and bombing it to try to dislodge Moscow's hold on the territory. The attacks targeted the Russian Black Sea Fleet there, as well as ammunition depots, air fields and Putin's prized asset - the Kerch Bridge linking Crimea to Russia, which was struck in October 2022, in July 2023 and in June 2025. Putin listed Ukraine's recognition of Crimea as part of Russia among Moscow's demands for peace in 2024. Those also include Ukraine ceding the four regions illegally annexed by Russia in 2022, dropping its bid to join NATO, keeping the country's non-nuclear status, restricting its military force and protecting the interests of the Russian-speaking population. Kyiv has rejected ceding any territory. Russia currently holds roughly 20% of Ukrainian land, including Crimea, so any deal that freezes the lines more or less where they are would benefit Moscow.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store