
PACE debates need for sanctions against Georgian Dream
PACE debates need for sanctions against Georgian Dream
The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) held a debate on Georgia, with speakers highlighting the country's democratic backsliding — including the arrest of opposition leaders, journalists, and participants in pro-European rallies.
Members of the assembly called on Georgian Dream to release political prisoners and urged sanctions against those 'responsible for the repression.'
What did speakers say?
Erik-Niils Kross (Estonia):
'Colleagues, what more needs to happen in Georgia for us to finally wake up and take action? I would also ask you to use the right words to describe what's going on — and to stop calling it 'democratic backsliding'.
This is not backsliding; it is a takeover of Georgia in the Russian style — allegedly under the direction and with the support of Russia. It is a state capture by an oligarchic, autocratic regime inspired and controlled by Moscow, and it is happening before our eyes.
Bidzina Ivanishvili and his so-called government are turning Georgia 180 degrees — from democracy to dictatorship. Georgian Dream is rapidly consolidating authoritarian power. So let's be honest: if we fail to act now, we become complicit. Silence is no longer neutrality. Silence is betrayal.
We therefore call for immediate targeted sanctions against all Georgian Dream officials — ministers, MPs, judges, police — and their families.
We urge respected officials, civil servants, and police officers in Georgia to resign and join the people. We demand international legal action against Georgia, as was once done in the European Court of Human Rights and against the 'black colonels' in Greece, for grave violations — because Georgia now faces the threat of becoming the next country enslaved [by Russia], like Belarus today, which once belonged to Europe.
This would be a victory for Russia and the 'Russian world', and a defeat for Europe and for this Assembly.'
Perran Moon (United Kingdom):
'I had intended to speak specifically about the politically motivated arrests of Zurab Japaridze and Nika Melia, but while the world's attention was focused on the Middle East, Georgia's discredited government seized the moment to intensify its crackdown on democracy.
It is now clear that the arrests of Japaridze and Melia on minor procedural charges are part of a broader campaign of repression. In fact, six opposition leaders have been arrested over the past few weeks.
As Zurab Japaridze was led away in handcuffs, he said: 'In the end, we will win.' That is the spirit of someone who believes in freedom, even as he is forcibly silenced. That is the voice that must be heard in this chamber — and across Europe.
And these arrests are no longer isolated incidents. Nika Gvaramia, another detained opposition leader, must also be added to the list of political prisoners.
Last Wednesday in London, I met with Badri Japaridze, leader of the opposition party Lelo, who told me about laws passed in Georgia that restrict media freedom, civil society, and peaceful assembly. He mentioned he was returning to Tbilisi, expecting a minor charge and a fine from an unfair court. Instead, this Monday, Badri Japaridze and his co-leader Mamuka Khazaradze were sentenced to seven months in prison and banned from holding public office for two years.
These are not just opposition figures — they are symbols of Georgia's democratic aspirations and resistance to organised authoritarianism.
Friends, I must tell you: time is running out, and action is needed now. We are approaching the last possible moment to act on Georgia.
If we are serious about supporting those who bravely resist political persecution in Georgia, we must hold the perpetrators accountable. Not just with words, but with action — freezing their assets, restricting access to Western education and institutions, and denying them the luxury of holidaying abroad while they dismantle democracy at home.'
Oleksiy Honcharenko (Ukraine):
'Yesterday in this chamber, we welcomed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who delivered a speech — but before that, he signed the agreement on a special tribunal. A truly historic moment — a tribunal to prosecute Russian aggression.
But you know what? Six member states didn't sign it. And one of them was Georgia. Georgia — a country that itself has been a victim of Russian aggression. 20% of Georgia's territory is occupied by Russia — nearly the same share as in Ukraine.
Georgia became a victim of the Moscow regime even before us — and yet it refuses to support a tribunal against Russian aggression. Can you believe that?
So the question is: who does the Georgian government really work for? Who are their masters? When opposition leaders are arrested, this is not the voice of the Georgian people — it is the whisper of the Kremlin.
The Georgian people deserve leaders who represent their interests — not Putin's.
Yes, some of the blame lies with all of us. There was a moment in 2008 when Ukraine and Georgia stood at NATO's doorstep, and NATO said: 'Yes, we'll let you in — but we don't know when.' Many didn't understand what that meant — but Putin did. In 2008, he launched a war against Georgia, and later, against Ukraine.
Now he is taking Georgia through hybrid means, because Russian tanks are too busy in Ukraine. That's why the attack on Georgia is being carried out not by tanks, but by puppets and Russian agents.
This is not Bidzina Ivanishvili — he should be called 'Lukashvili', because he is turning Georgia into Belarus. This is Belarus's path: first losing democracy, then losing statehood. And now it is an occupied country. That is exactly what is happening in Georgia today.
Just a few months ago, we met here with Giorgi Vashadze and other Georgian leaders who are now in prison. Just imagine — we met with them, shook their hands, said 'Long live Georgia' — and now they are behind bars.'
Petra Bayr (Austria):
'According to the 2024 Democracy Index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit, Georgia ranks fourth in the world for democratic backsliding — and first in the South Caucasus. Protests demanding new elections have been ongoing for over 200 days.
The government led by Georgian Dream has resorted to a range of repressive measures, including restrictive laws, harsher criminal prosecutions, and, at times, severe sentences against protesters, civil society, and prominent opposition figures. There is little indication that these protests will lead to political change in the near future.
The most high-profile arrest so far has been that of Mzia Amaghlobeli, founder and director of an independent media outlet. She was detained in Batumi for putting up protest stickers and allegedly assaulting a police officer.
Georgian Dream has passed laws aimed at suppressing dissent — for example, increasing fines and prison sentences, and reinstating the criminal offence of 'treason'. In December 2024, the administrative fine for blocking a road rose from the equivalent of €180 to €1,800 — a clear attempt to deter people from defending their fundamental rights.
Our response must be unequivocal. There is a red line when it comes to our shared values, and imprisoning people for trying to exercise basic human rights such as freedom of expression and speech is completely unacceptable.
We must not lose hope. We must increase the pressure — to push for new elections, demand investigations into violence against activists and peaceful demonstrators, and of course, to call for the release of all political prisoners.'
Albana Vokshi (Albania):
'Just last week, four leaders of the democratic opposition were arrested — not for committing any crime, but for refusing to appear before a so-called parliamentary investigative commission that has nothing to do with the rule of law and is entirely tied to political persecution. Today, Georgia's accountability institutions have become tools of repression.
Let us not forget that Georgia's third president, Mikheil Saakashvili — who once served as a vice-president of this Assembly — remains in politically motivated detention. And he is not alone. Other prominent opposition figures have also been arrested.
The chair of the main opposition party, the United National Movement, Tina Bokuchava — one of the most prominent and active opposition leaders — has become a target of state terror. Her husband was forcibly abducted, and her children have been threatened. This is not politics. This is persecution. We must call things by their name. And if we don't face reality, very soon all opposition leaders in Georgia will be in prison — and the opposition itself will cease to exist.'
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4 hours ago
PACE debates need for sanctions against Georgian Dream
PACE debates need for sanctions against Georgian Dream The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) held a debate on Georgia, with speakers highlighting the country's democratic backsliding — including the arrest of opposition leaders, journalists, and participants in pro-European rallies. Members of the assembly called on Georgian Dream to release political prisoners and urged sanctions against those 'responsible for the repression.' What did speakers say? Erik-Niils Kross (Estonia): 'Colleagues, what more needs to happen in Georgia for us to finally wake up and take action? I would also ask you to use the right words to describe what's going on — and to stop calling it 'democratic backsliding'. This is not backsliding; it is a takeover of Georgia in the Russian style — allegedly under the direction and with the support of Russia. It is a state capture by an oligarchic, autocratic regime inspired and controlled by Moscow, and it is happening before our eyes. Bidzina Ivanishvili and his so-called government are turning Georgia 180 degrees — from democracy to dictatorship. Georgian Dream is rapidly consolidating authoritarian power. So let's be honest: if we fail to act now, we become complicit. Silence is no longer neutrality. Silence is betrayal. We therefore call for immediate targeted sanctions against all Georgian Dream officials — ministers, MPs, judges, police — and their families. We urge respected officials, civil servants, and police officers in Georgia to resign and join the people. We demand international legal action against Georgia, as was once done in the European Court of Human Rights and against the 'black colonels' in Greece, for grave violations — because Georgia now faces the threat of becoming the next country enslaved [by Russia], like Belarus today, which once belonged to Europe. This would be a victory for Russia and the 'Russian world', and a defeat for Europe and for this Assembly.' Perran Moon (United Kingdom): 'I had intended to speak specifically about the politically motivated arrests of Zurab Japaridze and Nika Melia, but while the world's attention was focused on the Middle East, Georgia's discredited government seized the moment to intensify its crackdown on democracy. It is now clear that the arrests of Japaridze and Melia on minor procedural charges are part of a broader campaign of repression. In fact, six opposition leaders have been arrested over the past few weeks. As Zurab Japaridze was led away in handcuffs, he said: 'In the end, we will win.' That is the spirit of someone who believes in freedom, even as he is forcibly silenced. That is the voice that must be heard in this chamber — and across Europe. And these arrests are no longer isolated incidents. Nika Gvaramia, another detained opposition leader, must also be added to the list of political prisoners. Last Wednesday in London, I met with Badri Japaridze, leader of the opposition party Lelo, who told me about laws passed in Georgia that restrict media freedom, civil society, and peaceful assembly. He mentioned he was returning to Tbilisi, expecting a minor charge and a fine from an unfair court. Instead, this Monday, Badri Japaridze and his co-leader Mamuka Khazaradze were sentenced to seven months in prison and banned from holding public office for two years. These are not just opposition figures — they are symbols of Georgia's democratic aspirations and resistance to organised authoritarianism. Friends, I must tell you: time is running out, and action is needed now. We are approaching the last possible moment to act on Georgia. If we are serious about supporting those who bravely resist political persecution in Georgia, we must hold the perpetrators accountable. Not just with words, but with action — freezing their assets, restricting access to Western education and institutions, and denying them the luxury of holidaying abroad while they dismantle democracy at home.' Oleksiy Honcharenko (Ukraine): 'Yesterday in this chamber, we welcomed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who delivered a speech — but before that, he signed the agreement on a special tribunal. A truly historic moment — a tribunal to prosecute Russian aggression. But you know what? Six member states didn't sign it. And one of them was Georgia. Georgia — a country that itself has been a victim of Russian aggression. 20% of Georgia's territory is occupied by Russia — nearly the same share as in Ukraine. Georgia became a victim of the Moscow regime even before us — and yet it refuses to support a tribunal against Russian aggression. Can you believe that? So the question is: who does the Georgian government really work for? Who are their masters? When opposition leaders are arrested, this is not the voice of the Georgian people — it is the whisper of the Kremlin. The Georgian people deserve leaders who represent their interests — not Putin's. Yes, some of the blame lies with all of us. There was a moment in 2008 when Ukraine and Georgia stood at NATO's doorstep, and NATO said: 'Yes, we'll let you in — but we don't know when.' Many didn't understand what that meant — but Putin did. In 2008, he launched a war against Georgia, and later, against Ukraine. Now he is taking Georgia through hybrid means, because Russian tanks are too busy in Ukraine. That's why the attack on Georgia is being carried out not by tanks, but by puppets and Russian agents. This is not Bidzina Ivanishvili — he should be called 'Lukashvili', because he is turning Georgia into Belarus. This is Belarus's path: first losing democracy, then losing statehood. And now it is an occupied country. That is exactly what is happening in Georgia today. Just a few months ago, we met here with Giorgi Vashadze and other Georgian leaders who are now in prison. Just imagine — we met with them, shook their hands, said 'Long live Georgia' — and now they are behind bars.' Petra Bayr (Austria): 'According to the 2024 Democracy Index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit, Georgia ranks fourth in the world for democratic backsliding — and first in the South Caucasus. Protests demanding new elections have been ongoing for over 200 days. The government led by Georgian Dream has resorted to a range of repressive measures, including restrictive laws, harsher criminal prosecutions, and, at times, severe sentences against protesters, civil society, and prominent opposition figures. There is little indication that these protests will lead to political change in the near future. The most high-profile arrest so far has been that of Mzia Amaghlobeli, founder and director of an independent media outlet. She was detained in Batumi for putting up protest stickers and allegedly assaulting a police officer. Georgian Dream has passed laws aimed at suppressing dissent — for example, increasing fines and prison sentences, and reinstating the criminal offence of 'treason'. In December 2024, the administrative fine for blocking a road rose from the equivalent of €180 to €1,800 — a clear attempt to deter people from defending their fundamental rights. Our response must be unequivocal. There is a red line when it comes to our shared values, and imprisoning people for trying to exercise basic human rights such as freedom of expression and speech is completely unacceptable. We must not lose hope. We must increase the pressure — to push for new elections, demand investigations into violence against activists and peaceful demonstrators, and of course, to call for the release of all political prisoners.' Albana Vokshi (Albania): 'Just last week, four leaders of the democratic opposition were arrested — not for committing any crime, but for refusing to appear before a so-called parliamentary investigative commission that has nothing to do with the rule of law and is entirely tied to political persecution. Today, Georgia's accountability institutions have become tools of repression. Let us not forget that Georgia's third president, Mikheil Saakashvili — who once served as a vice-president of this Assembly — remains in politically motivated detention. And he is not alone. Other prominent opposition figures have also been arrested. The chair of the main opposition party, the United National Movement, Tina Bokuchava — one of the most prominent and active opposition leaders — has become a target of state terror. Her husband was forcibly abducted, and her children have been threatened. This is not politics. This is persecution. We must call things by their name. And if we don't face reality, very soon all opposition leaders in Georgia will be in prison — and the opposition itself will cease to exist.'