
Post-Hasina Bangladesh
Bangladesh has moved up the date for its general elections from April 2026 to February after a barrage of criticism over the delays in the country's return to democracy after the ouster of the authoritarian former prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, in August 2024. Officially, however, the interim government, led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, said it moved up the date to ensure the new government is in office before the start of Ramazan.
The interim government has cited the need for reforms after over a decade of Hasina's authoritarian rule eroded many institutions, including the civil service, judiciary and election authorities. Yunus has also replied to criticism from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and others by insisting that thorough preparation is essential to avoid repeating past "flawed elections" that entrenched autocracy — it is worth noting that since the fall of the military regime in 1990, only BNP chief Khaleda Zia and Awami League chief Hasina have served as elected prime ministers.
Analysts have also noted that for elections to be competitive and fair, the Awami League should not be completely excluded. Accountability is vital, and those involved in the violent repression of protests in 2024, or any other crimes against the people of Bangladesh, should face the music, but excluding the entire party, rather than only its criminal elements, risks disenfranchising millions of its supporters. Meanwhile, over 7 million overseas Bangladeshis are complaining about the lack of feasible voting mechanisms for them, despite promises of reform.
Whatever happens, it is becoming increasingly likely that the improvement in ties with Pakistan will continue, partly due to the genuine earnest efforts of both countries' incumbent governments, and because of India's refusal to hand over Hasina to stand trial for murdering thousands of her critics, including at least 1,400 people, during the 2024 protests.

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Business Recorder
2 days ago
- Business Recorder
Pakistan at crossroads
Since its birth in 1947, Pakistan has journeyed through triumphs, turbulence, and tenacity. Forged in the crucible of Partition, it inherited fractured infrastructure, a fragile economy, and a volatile neighbourhood. Yet within decades, Pakistan defied odds—building institutions, nurturing civil society, and asserting strategic relevance. Today, the question is no longer what went wrong. It is: how do we finally get it right? Pakistan's early years were defined by institutional consolidation and diplomatic agility. The establishment of a robust military, a functioning bureaucracy, and a legal framework laid the foundation for statecraft. The Green Revolution in agriculture, the Indus Basin irrigation system, and major dams like Tarbela and Mangla transformed food security and energy access. In science and technology, Pakistan made bold strides. The nuclear program -culminating in the 1998 tests - was a testament to strategic resolve. SUPARCO, though underfunded, laid early groundwork for satellite development. In medicine and philanthropy, figures like Abdul Sattar Edhi and Dr. Adeeb Rizvi built institutions that rival global benchmarks. Pakistan also produced two Nobel laureates whose achievements continue to inspire. Dr. Abdus Salam, a theoretical physicist, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for his pioneering work in electroweak theory. Malala Yousafzai - the youngest Nobel Peace Prize laureate - became a beacon for youth empowerment and gender equity. Karachi, once the beating heart of Pakistan's commercial enterprise; Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) was not only a symbol of national pride - it was a global leader; helping launch Emirates, Air Malta, and other carriers. Culturally, Pakistan's literary, musical, and artistic heritage flourished. From Faiz Ahmed Faiz's poetry to Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan's qawwali, Pakistan projected soft power that transcended borders. In sports, Pakistan once dominated the global stage - world champions in hockey, squash, and cricket. The 1992 World Cup win united a divided nation, while legends like Jahangir Khan and Jansher Khan inspired generations. Yet these achievements coexist with chronic underperformance. Political instability -punctuated by military coups, judicial overreach, and dynastic politics - has eroded democratic continuity. Civil-military imbalance remains a structural fault line, often stalling reform and undermining civilian authority. Economic mismanagement has been another Achilles' heel. Despite abundant natural resources - coal, copper, gas, and fertile land - Pakistan has struggled with fiscal discipline, tax reform, and industrial diversification. Reliance on foreign aid and IMF bailouts has created a cycle of dependency, stifling innovation and self-reliance. Education and health sectors remain underfunded and unevenly distributed. Literacy rates hover below regional averages; public health infrastructure is overstretched; brain drains continues to sap talent, while youth unemployment fuels disillusionment. Security challenges - ranging from terrorism to sectarian violence - have diverted resources and attention from development. The war on terror cost: thousands of lives lost, billions spent, and a tarnished global image. Why Pakistan has not realized its potential The answer lies in a convergence of internal contradictions and external pressures. Internally, Pakistan has struggled to build consensus on national priorities. Ethnic divisions, provincial disparities, and ideological polarization have fragmented policymaking. The absence of long-term planning - replaced by reactive governance - has led to policy reversals and institutional fatigue. Externally, Pakistan's geopolitical location - while strategic - has often been a double-edged sword. Entanglements in Cold War alliances, the Afghan conflict, and regional rivalries have shaped foreign policy more than domestic imperatives. Strategic depth often came at the expense of economic breadth. Moreover, Pakistan's elite capture - where a narrow segment controls wealth, influence, and policy - has perpetuated inequality and stifled meritocracy. Land reforms were never fully implemented. Industrial cartels and monopolies have resisted competition. The disconnect between governance and grassroots needs remains stark. The tragedy of East Pakistan's secession in 1971 was a watershed moment - born of political neglect, economic disparity, and cultural alienation. Yet, half a century later, the lessons remain unlearned. In Balochistan, similar patterns of marginalization persist. Pakistan must treat every province not as a periphery, but as a partner. The path forward: Six pillars of renewal: Institutional reform and rule of law: Strengthen democratic institutions, ensure judicial independence, and depoliticize civil services. Accountability must be institutional - not episodic. Economic diversification and innovation: Move beyond textiles and agriculture. Invest in IT, renewable energy, and value-added manufacturing. Reform taxation and document the informal economy. Education and human capital: Declare a national education emergency. Reform curricula, train teachers, and expand vocational and digital learning. Scale public-private partnerships in health and education; Regional connectivity and peace diplomacy: Pivot from confrontation to cooperation. Trade with neighbours, cultural exchanges and regional infrastructure can build trust and strategic depth. Climate resilience and sustainability: Prioritize water management, reforestation, and disaster preparedness. Integrate green infrastructure into urban planning. Civic engagement and narrative sovereignty: Reclaim Pakistan's story. Empower youth, promote pluralism, and foster inclusive discourse through media, academia, and civil society. A nation waiting to rise Pakistan's journey has been neither linear nor easy - but its resilience is undeniable. It has weathered wars, disasters, and internal strife. What it now demands is not just reform, but renewal. A new social contract - rooted in equity, accountability, and aspiration - can unlock the promise long deferred. Pakistan's potential is not theoretical - it is tangible. It lives in its classrooms and clinics, its startups and studios, its villages and cities. It pulses through the mountains of Gilgit-Baltistan, the deserts of Thar, the shores of Gwadar, and the streets of Karachi - once a global aviation hub and cradle of commercial dynamism. It echoes in the hopes of Balochistan's youth - long marginalized, now central to the nation's future. The time for hesitation is over. The time for transformation is now. The article does not necessarily reflect the opinion of Business Recorder or its owners.


Express Tribune
4 days ago
- Express Tribune
BD court hears graft case against Hasina
A court in Bangladesh on Monday heard cases brought by the anti-corruption organisation against ex-leader Sheikh Hasina and her family, including her daughter who has served as a top UN official. Three officials from the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) read out testimonies in three separate cases over an alleged land grab of lucrative plots in a suburb of the capital Dhaka. Hasina, 77, fled Bangladesh by helicopter on August 5, 2024, after weeks of student-led protests against her autocratic rule. She has defied orders to return from India, including to attend her separate and ongoing trial on charges amounting to crimes against humanity, over the deadly crackdown on the uprising. Hasina has been named in six corruption cases, along with her US-based son Sajeeb Wazed Joy, and her daughter Saima Wazed, who has been serving as the World Health Organization's Southeast Asia chief in New Delhi. "If found guilty, Sheikh Hasina, her son Sajeeb Wazed Joy, and Saima Wazed could face up to 14 years in prison," ACC lawyer Khan Mohammad Mainul Hossain told AFP. Wazed is on leave from the WHO and a new official has taken up a post as "officer-in-charge". In total, six cases have been filed of alleged corruption connected to Hasina. Among those named in other cases, some slated to be heard later in August, are Hasina's sister, Sheikh Rehana, and her children -- including British lawmaker Tulip Siddiq. Tulip Siddiq resigned as the UK government's anti-corruption minister in January, denying any wrongdoing after being named in multiple probes in Bangladesh. Siddiq's lawyers have said the allegations against her are false.


Express Tribune
07-08-2025
- Express Tribune
Post-Hasina Bangladesh
Listen to article Bangladesh has moved up the date for its general elections from April 2026 to February after a barrage of criticism over the delays in the country's return to democracy after the ouster of the authoritarian former prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, in August 2024. Officially, however, the interim government, led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, said it moved up the date to ensure the new government is in office before the start of Ramazan. The interim government has cited the need for reforms after over a decade of Hasina's authoritarian rule eroded many institutions, including the civil service, judiciary and election authorities. Yunus has also replied to criticism from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and others by insisting that thorough preparation is essential to avoid repeating past "flawed elections" that entrenched autocracy — it is worth noting that since the fall of the military regime in 1990, only BNP chief Khaleda Zia and Awami League chief Hasina have served as elected prime ministers. Analysts have also noted that for elections to be competitive and fair, the Awami League should not be completely excluded. Accountability is vital, and those involved in the violent repression of protests in 2024, or any other crimes against the people of Bangladesh, should face the music, but excluding the entire party, rather than only its criminal elements, risks disenfranchising millions of its supporters. Meanwhile, over 7 million overseas Bangladeshis are complaining about the lack of feasible voting mechanisms for them, despite promises of reform. Whatever happens, it is becoming increasingly likely that the improvement in ties with Pakistan will continue, partly due to the genuine earnest efforts of both countries' incumbent governments, and because of India's refusal to hand over Hasina to stand trial for murdering thousands of her critics, including at least 1,400 people, during the 2024 protests.