Bal Gangadhar tilak jayanti 2025: Date, significance and all you need to know
The Jayanti celebrates not just Tilak's birth but his contributions to India's political awakening. He was among the first leaders to understand the power of mass mobilisation. His efforts in education, journalism, and cultural revival played a pivotal role in uniting Indians against colonial rule.HOW IS BAL GANGADHAR TILAK JAYANTI CELEBRATED?In Maharashtra, particularly in Pune and Mumbai, schools, colleges, and local organisations organise speeches, essay competitions, rallies, and exhibitions. Portraits of Tilak are decorated, his writings are revisited, and his thoughts are shared with younger generations. Public leaders and historians often pay tribute through articles and talks.Tilak's key contributions included political activism through the Indian National Congress, establishing the Deccan Education Society, and starting nationalist newspapers like Kesari and The Mahratta. He also used festivals like Ganesh Chaturthi and Shivaji Jayanti as tools for social unity and national awakening.WHAT ARE SOME FAMOUS QUOTES BY BAL GANGADHAR TILAK?Some of his most powerful quotes include:'Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it.''The problem is not the lack of resources or capability, but the lack of will.''Religion and practical life are not different. To take sanyas is not to abandon life.'Bal Gangadhar Tilak's ideology and spirit remain etched in Indian history. As the nation celebrates Tilak Jayanti 2025, it also honours a man who lit the flame of patriotism and fearlessly challenged British rule. His vision of an empowered, self-reliant India continues to inspire leaders, students, and citizens even today.- EndsMust Watch
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
India.com
22 minutes ago
- India.com
Geeta Gopinath's husband cleared UPSC twice, topped exam in 1996, left IAS due to..., his name is...
Iqbal Singh Dhaliwal, Raghuram Rajan, Gita Gopinath and Esther Duflo, Abhijeet Banerjee (Left to right) You must have read multiple stories about Gita Gopinath, who earlier announced stepping down from the First Deputy Managing Director (FDMD) of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Various media reports have talked about her educational qualification, her background and how she joined the IMF. However, do you know that she has a very strong connection with India and her husband, Iqbal Singh Dhaliwal is an Indian Administrative Officer, working under the Government of India. Who is Iqbal Singh Dhaliwal? Iqbal Singh Dhaliwal is the husband of economist Gita Gopinath who secured All India Rank 1 in the 1996 UPSC exam. Clearing the exam twice, Iqbal served as an IAS officer in the Tamil Nadu cadre for five years before moving abroad. Talking about his educational qualifications, Iqbal is a Delhi University economics graduate and Princeton scholar. As of the recent update, Iqbal Singh Dhaliwal is the Global Executive Director of J-PAL at MIT, a prominent research centre working on global poverty reduction. Dhaliwal has received several international honours for his contributions to policy and development, and he continues to play a key role in shaping evidence-based policymaking worldwide. Why Gita Gopinath is stepping down from IMF? Gita Gopinath, the First Deputy Managing Director (FDMD) of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), will be stepping down from her role in August 2025 to return to academia at Harvard University, the IMF announced. How qualified is Gita Gopinath? Gopinath, a trailblazer in international economics, will be taking on the role of the inaugural Gregory and Ania Coffey Professor of Economics at Harvard. The IMF's Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva confirmed Gopinath's departure and said a successor will be named 'in due course.' Gopinath first joined the IMF in 2019 as Chief Economist, becoming the first woman to hold the position. Her leadership during a time of extraordinary global economic upheaval, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the resulting macroeconomic disruptions, was widely recognised. (With inputs from agencies)
Mint
22 minutes ago
- Mint
India opens up autos, services, liquor to UK; gains access in goods
Cosmetics, chocolates, medical devices and aerospace goods from the UK are set to become sharply cheaper in India after the two countries signed a landmark trade deal on Thursday, while Indian seafood, textiles, leather footwear, and gems and jewellery get to enter the UK duty-free. Lovers of Scotch whiskey and imported cars have reason to cheer too, though the duty benefits will unroll over the years—and in the case of automobiles, there will be stiff quotas on how many vehicles can be imported at lower duty, after which regular tariffs kick in. The agreement kept out the UK's contentious carbon border tax, as well as post-study work visas for Indian students in the UK. On professionals moving between the two countries too, the liberalization was modest. The agreement marks a significant reset in bilateral economic relations, and unveils an ambitious joint roadmap for cooperation through 2035. Expansive deal The India-UK Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) is among the most wide-ranging deals ever concluded by India, and the most expansive trade pact signed by the UK in the Indo-Pacific after it left the European Union. The deal takes effect once both parliaments ratify it, which may take six months or more. Both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer described the deal as a win for their nations. Nearly 45% of India's exports to the UK will now enter duty-free, offering a significant boost to India's labour-intensive sectors. Tariffs on Indian processed food falls from 70% to zero, making them sharply cheaper in the UK. The UK will immediately drop tariffs on most Indian goods, including engineering products, chemicals, base metals, and marine items, where Indian exports will now enjoy zero duty instead of existing rates of 8% to 20%. The deal grants India preferential access to the UK's $37.5 billion agri-market, even as New Delhi safeguarded sensitive sectors such as dairy, fresh apples, and vegetable seeds from tariff concessions. Cheaper British goods Tariffs on the UK's soaps, perfumes, shaving creams, and nail polish, as well as chocolates and medical devices, will drop from an average of 20% to around nil. Indian fishermen and marine exporters are major gainers, given that the UK's duties on these items, currently as high as 20%, drops to zero, opening up a $5.4 billion opportunity. India has kept items such as gold bars, smartphones, blue-veined cheese, walnuts, and specific agricultural items out of the ambit of tariff concessions. The UK, too, has shielded its dairy, semi-milled rice, solid cane sugar and several processed meat items. Automobiles, liquor The FTA allows the UK to ship to India up to 20,000 completely built units (CBUs) in the first year at 30%—against the current rate of 110%—depending on engine capacity. (From the 20,001st vehicle, 95% duty will apply in first year and it will gradually reduce to 50% in 10th year and onwards). The quota will expand to 37,000 CBUs by year five and then taper to 15,000 by year 15. Electric, hybrid and hydrogen vehicles get no concessions in the first five years. After that, India will allow up to 4,400 premium EVs in sixth year at 50%, with tariffs reduced to 10% by year 10 —limited only to vehicles priced above £40,000 CIF. The cap of 22,000 total vehicles over 15 years remains unchanged. The liberalization model is quota-based and designed to benefit luxury vehicles while protecting India's mass-market auto segment. 'This sends a positive signal to UK exporters but does not compromise India's EV localization or Make-in-India push," said an Indian automotive executive. 'This is for the first time that India has included automobiles and alcoholic beverages under a tariff liberalization framework in an FTA, which marks a significant shift," a senior official involved in the negotiations told Mint. For alcoholic beverages, including Scotch whisky, brandy, and rum, the 150% duty will be halved over 10 years for products meeting a Minimum Import Price (MIP) threshold of $5 per litre or $6 per 750 ml bottle. This is expected to help premium brands gain better access without affecting the domestic market for low-cost spirits. 'It's more of a market access gesture than a consumption game-changer," said Vinod Giri, a liquor industry expert. Social security pact The Double Contribution Convention (DCC) agreed by the two countries ensures that employees temporarily working in the other country pay social security contributions only in their home country, avoiding dual contributions for up to three years. Among the non-tariff elements, the FTA includes legally binding commitments on services, investment, government procurement, and intellectual property. UK-based financial and professional services will gain guaranteed market access and equal treatment under India's investment rules. Indian workers in the UK will be exempt from social security contributions for three years, a move expected to benefit around 75,000 individuals. On mobility, India will be allowed to send up to 1,800 professionals annually—including chefs, yoga instructors, and classical musicians—to work temporarily in the UK. The pact also sets up institutional mechanisms for cooperation in customs procedures, rules of origin, and digital trade. The FTA is expected to deliver fresh investments worth nearly £6 billion from the UK into India. British companies, including Rolls-Royce and Airbus, announced new aviation contracts and joint manufacturing deals at the signing ceremony. 'India is an important market for our business," said Rolls-Royce CEO Tufan Erginbilgic. 'We welcome the provisions in this FTA that bring us closer to international standards and future aerospace growth." Vision 2035 Both leaders also unveiled the UK-India Vision 2035, a broad strategic roadmap that outlines cooperation in defence manufacturing, border security, climate action, and education. A Defence Industrial Roadmap has been launched to steer joint development and procurement. The two sides also pledged deeper coordination on technology, intelligence sharing, and tackling organized crime. India has opened several critical segments of its services economy to British firms, offering unprecedented access in sectors such as accounting, auditing, financial services (with the FDI cap in insurance retained at 74%), telecom (allowing 100% FDI), environmental services, and auxiliary air transport. UK firms will now be able to offer telecom, construction, and related services in India without needing to set up a local entity, and will enjoy national treatment—ensuring they are treated on par with domestic firms, as per the FTA document. Professional qualifications India has also agreed to recognize UK professional qualifications in select areas such as law and accounting, although legal services as a sector remain closed. The pact guarantees no numerical caps on UK service providers and grants commercial presence rights across several domains. India has maintained regulatory carve-outs in sensitive areas such as legal practice, taxation, and national security, and full mutual recognition of professional qualifications remains limited. In contrast, the UK's offer on services is more cautious, with limited liberalization beyond select areas such as computer services, consultancy, and environmental services. 'The UK has allowed an annual quota of 1,800 temporary visas for roles like yoga instructors and classical musicians, but has not made binding commitments on broader mobility categories such as business visitors or IT professionals," said Ajay Srivastava, founder of Global Trade Research Initiative (GTRI), a think tank. 'The UK's decision not to restore post-study work visas also remains a point of contention for Indian students, as the agreement does not override the UK's existing points-based immigration system," he said. With tariff elimination of up to 18% under the CETA, India's engineering exports to the UK are projected to nearly double over the next five years, crossing $7.5 billion by 2029–30, a commerce ministry statement said. 'As India has not secured a carve-out or exemption clause on CBAM, we've lost a vital opportunity to protect our carbon-intensive exports," said GTRI's Srivastava. 'From January 2027, the UK can impose carbon taxes on Indian steel and aluminium, even as we grant UK goods duty-free access. That's a serious asymmetry. We should expect similar treatment under the India-EU FTA as well."
News18
28 minutes ago
- News18
Balancing The Scales: BJP And The Politics Of OBC Representation
Last Updated: The OBC issue is no longer a footnote. It is the future of Indian politics. And for the BJP, the time to choose is now In the smoke and dust of Indian politics, where identity is often currency, the question of OBCs (Other Backward Classes) has returned to centre stage. As the BJP charts its future, the party's relationship with the OBC voter base stands at a critical inflection point. No party can afford to ignore this bloc, and the BJP, with its grand ambitions, must now navigate a delicate tightrope—balancing upper-caste legacy, backward-caste empowerment, and a shifting social landscape. OBC equation is more than just numbers At nearly 45 per cent of India's population, the OBCs are not a vote bank. They are the battleground. Their aspirations are not one-dimensional—they range from economic security and social dignity to political power and symbolic recognition. For decades, these communities were underrepresented in power structures. But over time, parties from the Mandal-era champions like the Janata Dal to regional leaders like Nitish Kumar and Mulayam Singh Yadav emerged from within their ranks. The BJP entered the OBC game late but aggressively. In the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Narendra Modi—himself an OBC—successfully crafted a narrative that bypassed traditional caste loyalties. He offered something different: a pan-Hindu identity laced with ambition and nationalism. 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas" resonated, especially among non-dominant, non-Yadav OBCs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, who felt excluded by earlier caste-based parties. The recent chorus for a nationwide caste census has thrown the BJP into a strategic bind. Mandal 2.0 is not about social justice alone—it is a demand for statistical truth, for a reordering of privilege. It pits the call for OBC-centric policies against a party structure that still draws much of its intellectual and organisational muscle from upper-caste networks. While regional allies and rivals have openly backed the caste census, the BJP has been hesitant. There's a reason. A full revelation of caste numbers could undermine the Hindu unity narrative. It could also expose the disparity between representation and population share—especially if dominant castes are shown to wield disproportionate political and bureaucratic power. The BJP's resistance is not just ideological but also tactical. The party knows that embracing the caste census may demand a restructuring of power within its own house. That kind of churn does not come easy. Shift must be silent Internally, the BJP has made overtures to the OBCs by creating OBC Morchas, expanding OBC quotas in educational and political institutions, and ensuring greater OBC representation in its ticket distribution. Leaders like Keshav Prasad Maurya, Sanjay Nishad, and Bhupendra Patel are meant to signal inclusivity. Yet, these are not organic mass leaders in the mould of Lalu Prasad Yadav or even Nitish Kumar. They are appointees, not products of long grassroots movements. Their influence often stops at the stage, not the street. Moreover, the party's increasing reliance on centralisation—with power flowing from the top down—has curbed the rise of assertive OBC voices from within. The BJP's core structure remains tightly controlled, and while it uses the language of social justice, its machinery often runs on a different fuel: loyalty, hierarchy, and central planning. A moment of reckoning The 2024 general elections revealed cracks in the OBC wall that the BJP had built. In states like Uttar Pradesh, the SP-Congress alliance made visible gains by framing the election as a battle between the oppressor and the marginalised. The optics were not just about policy but about voice—and its volume. About who speaks for the backward classes, and who speaks over them. Even within the NDA, tensions are rising. Allies like Nitish Kumar and other regional leaders demand more space and more say. They understand what the BJP does too: that OBC assertion is no longer just about welfare—it is about ownership of the national narrative. What might come next, one might ask? For the BJP, the road ahead involves hard choices. It can no longer afford to run on symbolism alone. The Modi-era social coalition—a mix of backward classes, aspirational youth, and nationalist pride—is ageing. The demand now is for deeper representation, structural fairness, and acknowledgement of historical imbalances. If the BJP resists these currents, it risks losing the very communities it once brought under its umbrella. If it embraces them, it will have to reimagine its ideological scaffolding—less about unity, and more about equity. The OBC issue is no longer a footnote. It is the future of Indian politics. And for the BJP, the time to choose is now. The author is a writer, social worker and a corporate learning and development expert. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. view comments First Published: Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
