
US Fed Meeting: 5 key factors that will shape FOMC policy decision
The US Federal Open Market Committee meeting is underway, with the outcome due later today, July 30. The US Fed's next policy meeting is scheduled for September 16-17.
At this juncture, the Fed may maintain the federal funds rate in the 4.25 per cent to 4.50 per cent range, given the uncertainty over how the tariffs announced by US President Donald Trump will affect the economy — even as Trump continues to mount pressure on Powell to lower rates.
"A rate cut by the Fed is unlikely today. More important would be the Fed commentary on the evolving economic outlook. The FOMC decision today is unlikely to impact the market," said VK Vijayakumar, Chief Investment Strategist, Geojit Investments.
Let's take a look at five key factors that will influence the monetary policy decision of the US Federal Reserve on July 30:
In its June policy meeting, the Fed revised its economic growth forecast, highlighting the risks associated with Trump's tariffs. The central bank projected GDP growth of 1.4 per cent in 2025, down 0.3 per cent from the March meeting.
The US economy did contract by 0.5 per cent in the first quarter this year, but the world's largest economy is not showing signs of significant stress at this juncture.
In fact, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Tuesday raised its estimate for the US economy this year and next year.
The IMF has raised its US growth forecast to 1.9 per cent for 2025 and 2 per cent for 2026, an increase of 10 basis points (bps) for 2025 and 30 bps for 2026. The IMF said tax incentives for corporate investment in the recent tax bill are also expected to boost growth slightly next year.
Of course, the Fed will have its own assessments, which will be the bedrock of its policy decisions.
The Fed cannot ignore the sticky inflation in the US. The US Consumer Price Index (CPI) rose to 2.7 per cent in June from 2.4 per cent in May. Experts expected the June CPI to be 2.6 per cent.
The Fed's preferred inflation gauge, the Producer Price Index (PPI), however, declined to 2.3 per cent in June from 2.7 per cent in May. June PPI came below expectations of 2.5 per cent.
Nevertheless, inflation in the US remains above the central bank's long-term target of 2 per cent.
At this point, the Fed cannot be sure that inflation will ease sustainably given high uncertainty over Trump's tariff policies.
The US has finalised trade deals with several countries and is actively engaged in negotiations with other major economies, including India and China, for a conclusive agreement.
However, the key point to keep in mind is that despite these trade deals, tariff rates on imports to the US may remain high, in the range of 15–20 per cent. This is likely to influence inflation trends in the US.
So far, the US jobs market has remained resilient. However, June US job openings and hiring data indicate signs of weakness.
US JOLTS (Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey) data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics showed that job openings dropped by 2,75,000 to 7.437 million in June, compared to the expectations of 7.510 million.
In May, the US JOLTS data showed 7.71 million job openings — the highest since November 2024.
There are apprehensions that the job market is yet to see the real impact of the tariffs, as Trump extended the tariff deadline for many countries to August 1.
US stocks are trading near record highs, while the dollar and bond yields have been largely stable, barring occasional profit booking.
The current financial market conditions do not warrant the Fed to bite the bullet and cut rates.
The Fed wants to wait for more data before moving ahead with rate cuts. At this juncture, there is significant uncertainty about how the tariff war will evolve in the coming days.
Despite trade deals, the element of unpredictability in President Trump's policies cannot be overlooked.
Experts also warn that the tariff policies could cause lasting damage to the US economy. Trump's tariffs remain a key variable in the Fed's monetary policy considerations.
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Read more stories by Nishant Kumar
Disclaimer: This story is for educational purposes only. The views and recommendations expressed are those of individual analysts or broking firms, not Mint. We advise investors to consult with certified experts before making any investment decisions, as market conditions can change rapidly and circumstances may vary.
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Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
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Explore courses from Top Institutes in Please select course: Select a Course Category MCA Data Science Degree Product Management Project Management others Finance Design Thinking Data Science Technology Operations Management Cybersecurity PGDM CXO Healthcare Leadership Management Public Policy Others MBA Data Analytics Digital Marketing healthcare Artificial Intelligence Skills you'll gain: Programming Proficiency Data Handling & Analysis Cybersecurity Awareness & Skills Artificial Intelligence & Machine Learning Duration: 24 Months Vellore Institute of Technology VIT Master of Computer Applications Starts on Aug 14, 2024 Get Details "In many respects, everybody's a loser here,'' said Barry Appleton, co-director of the Center for International Law at the New York Law School. Barely six months after he returned to the White House , Trump has demolished the old global economic order. Gone is one built on agreed-upon rules. 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Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
A tribute to economist Shankar Acharya, A World in Flux, explores what needs to be done to achieve India's goal of becoming Viksit by 2047
A confession — I have known Shankar Acharya, a friend and fellow cricket junkie, far longer than he or I are willing to admit. It is an honour to review 'A World in Flux – India's Economic Priorities', a timely and deeply researched collection of essays in honour of Shankar's thinking and contributions. The book is about what change is needed to allow India to meet its tryst with a destiny that is viksit by its 100th anniversary in 2047. The contributors are much more than eminent scholars — they are acknowledged experts in their fields. The biggest — and the most well-deserved — tribute to Shankar is that the contributors have chosen to write a learned and expert commentary. Much of what they have written and advocated as policy is spot on, so what is a reviewer supposed to do? I can summarise the issues raised by the authors, but the editors, Amita Batra and AK Bhattacharya, provide a must-read analysis — a model introduction to a very distinguished economist, policy advisor and policy-maker. There has only been one major policy question on which Shankar and I have disagreed — and continue to disagree — and that is the danger that fiscal deficits pose to growth and inflation. He, of course, initiated India's long-term fiscal policy in the early 1980s, at a time when such a roadmap was very much needed. Before going further, I want to add that we have differences — differences that arise not out of a difference in expertise or analysis but differences in our genes. Shankar, by his own admission, gravitates towards pessimism; and when I have to err, I err on the side of my DNA++ disposition. The 'what should be done about fiscal deficits' debate is a good point ofdeparture for illustrating why 'yeh dil mange more' than offered by the experts in the volume. 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Our slow growth, relative to potential, is the problem, not that fiscal deficits are causing inflation to be at a historic low. The IMF orthodoxy of 'when in doubt, raise tax revenue' is now hopelessly outdated. Another example of divergence between necessary policy, and one offered by experts, pertains to the low share of manufacturing (and even the ever lower share of manufactured exports). We all agree that something needs to be done, but what? One favourite solution (like raising the tax revenue) is to join the China-led RCEP. This is dictated by the specious reasoning that since China leads in manufactured export growth, by joining RCEP we will do so too. However, 13 of 15 RCEP countries have lower growth of manufactured exports than before (joining) RCEP. As far as policy analysis goes, why not note that our two 'global champions' — Ambani and Adani-led enterprises — produce zero manufactured goods (unless an intermediate good like polyester is considered a final manufactured good, like shirts)? And why, iflack of textile growth is a problem (it is!), our reform experts (except Amitabh Kant) don't point to the fact that a very very low hanging fruit is the reduction of high import duties on manmade fibres? Why don't the experts argue that the government should choose winners like Ambani and Adani? The government should appoint these global experts to lead the march on manufactured goods. Instead of Production Linked Incentives (PIL) we should have EIL — Export Linked Incentives. If subsidies are involved (as they will be), the government should provide them. Learn from China (again) how to sidestep WTO regulations. This is how Korea, China and the US have succeeded — we will succeed too. Bhattacharya also has a much-needed, must-read chapter on the political economy of reforms. AK notes that in the near-50-year history of economic reforms in India, an important pattern emerges. 'But once the immediate economic crisis was overcome, the pace of implementing subsequent reforms slowed considerably'. Phrased differently, the story of economic reforms in India is that reforms stop because our politicians (and the Deep State behind them) are not risk-takers, but comfort-zone seekers. They like the comfort zone of 'not rocking the boat', and thereby insure that Viksit Bharat 2047 might very well be no more than a dream. Before ending, I have a quibble with even this most worthy chapter. Bhattacharya's path to reform is via consensus-building (the mantra of every failed and defeated optimist). But AK fails to note that the path to consensus is littered with sabotage by the major groups (or group) hurt by the proposed reforms. Why, if everything is as well-known and as dutifully documented by all of us, are we still asking for basic reforms in agriculture, manufacturing, and governance? Note that a Supreme Court survey conducted after the withdrawal of farm-reform legislation, found an overwhelming consensus (87 per cent) among farmers wanting the proposed farm laws reform. Bhalla is chairperson of the Technical Expert Group for the first official Household Income Survey for India. Views are personal