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Stocks to buy under ₹100: Experts recommend four shares to buy today — 15 July 2025

Stocks to buy under ₹100: Experts recommend four shares to buy today — 15 July 2025

Mint15-07-2025
Stocks to buy under ₹ 100: The downside momentum continued in the Indian stock market for the fourth consecutive session on Monday. The Nifty 50 index went off 67 points and closed at 25,082, the BSE Sensex ended 247 points lower at 82,253, while the Bank Nifty index finished marginally higher at 56,765. Meanwhile, the broader markets witnessed buying interest with Nifty Midcap100 and Smallcap100 indices rising by 0.7% and 1.0% each. Amongst sectors, Nifty Pharma gained 0.8% amid expectations of a favourable outcome in the US-India trade deal. On the other hand, Nifty IT lost 1.1% as TCS's weak Q1 earnings and cautious guidance sparked a broad sectoral sell-off.
Speaking on the outlook of the Indian stock market, Siddhartha Khemka, Head of Research — Wealth Management at Motilal Oswal, said, "We expect the market to remain in a consolidation phase, awaiting updates on the India-US trade deal; while stock-specific action could be seen on the back of quarterly earnings announcements."
On the outlook of the Nifty 50 index, Nagaraj Shetti, Senior Technical Research Analyst at HDFC Securities, said, "The short-term trend of Nifty continues to be weak, and there is a possibility of some more consolidation with range-bound action in the coming session. Crucial lower supports should be watched around 25000-24900, and there is a probability of an upside bounce from the lower supports. Immediate resistance should be watched at 25200."
"The Bank Nifty index has been moving within a narrow range and has consolidated near the 56,800 zone with a positive bias, anticipating further positive developments. As mentioned earlier, the index would have the important and crucial support positioned near the 56,000 level which needs to be sustained as of now and at the same time, on the upside, it would need to breach above the resistance zone of 57,600 level and thereafter, expect for fresh higher targets of 58,500 and 60,000 levels in the coming days," said Shiju Kuthupalakkal, Senior Manager of Technical Research at Prabhudas Lilladher.
Regarding stocks to buy today, market experts — Anshul Jain, Head of Research at Lakshmishree Investment; Vaishali Parekh, Vice President — Technical Research at Prabhudas Lilladher; and Sugandha Sachdeva, Founder of SS WealthStreet, recommended these three intraday stocks for today under ₹ 100: Allcargo Terminals, South Indian Bank, Allcargo Logistics, and Lloyds Enterprises.
1] South Indian Bank: Buy at ₹ 30, Target ₹ 32, Stop Loss ₹ 29; and
2] Lloyds Enterprises: Buy at ₹ 88.80, Target ₹ 91.30, Stop Loss ₹ 87.80.
3] Allcargo Terminals: Buy at ₹ 29.90, Target ₹ 33, Stop Loss ₹ 29.
4] Allcargo Logistics: Buy at ₹ 33.30, Targets ₹ 35.50, ₹ 36.30, Stop Loss ₹ 32.40.
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From aspiration to agency: India redefines its global role
From aspiration to agency: India redefines its global role

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From aspiration to agency: India redefines its global role

India seems to have resolved a complex arithmetic: diplomacy without submission, trade without compromising sovereignty, tech engagement that does not sacrifice agency, and multilateralism that negotiates interest, not ideology read more It is not the India of aspiration alone; it is the India of agency, reframing between autonomy and engagement, between principle and pragmatism. File image/ AP In the rapidly shifting global political architecture, few nations stand at as pivotal a juncture as India, caught in the confluence of normative aspirations, strategic autonomy, economic opportunity, and diplomatic realignment. From international tech rule‑setting to high‑stakes trade negotiations, from balancing sanctions pressure to recalibrating relations with China, the past few weeks have made clear that it's India's real moment. This is not mere reactivity but about India stepping forward to set the narrative, even under the weight of great power tensions and domestic imperatives. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Take the sharp warning from Nato Secretary‑General Mark Rutte, a diplomatic salvo that carries real consequences. In statements delivered in Washington and to Congress, Rutte emphasised that 'secondary sanctions', including tariffs up to 100 per cent, could be deployed against major economies like India, China, and Brazil should they continue to trade with Russia. The intent: leverage global economic ties to pressure Moscow toward a peace settlement over Ukraine. The declaration is a clear signal that India's commercial engagements are being scrutinised through the lens of Western security priorities. Delhi's swift rebuke, citing 'double standards' and asserting its sovereign right to conduct its trade, reveals India's determination to resist external dictates, even as it shoulders the complexity of geopolitical entanglements. Yet, this episode does not simply reflect Indian defiance. 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Talks now hinge on thorny compromises: easing 'consensus' gridlocks, demanding proof for industrial subsidies, and revisiting the special status of countries like India and China. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Pushed by the US and Europe to revive a stalled WTO, these shifts could undermine developing country carve-outs. While India remains restrained, its backroom diplomacy is active. The challenge lies in securing meaningful exceptions without stalling reform, testing not just India's trade stance but also its broader role in global rule-making. This is more about realigning trade with development than resistance. At the same time, New Delhi finds itself on the cusp of a potentially transformative bilateral trade agreement with the US, ahead of a hard August 1 US tariff deadline. An article of faith in India's political economy has been bilateralism as an antidote to protectionism, and Washington has signalled expansiveness: from high‑tech to supply‑chain resilience. 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China called normalisation 'hard-won', underscoring mutual interest in quiet diplomacy and regional stability. Beneath the optics, India is asserting agency: addressing boundary disputes, restoring critical supply chains, and preserving open trade. It's a calibrated framework—friendship without illusion, cooperation without compulsion. Now, juxtapose these developments with India's stealth campaign in global AI norm‑setting. While less visible to the world's press, New Delhi has been earnest, partaking actively in the Unesco‑led 2025 AI Action Summit and championing inclusive, transparent, and sustainable AI frameworks. Internally, the government's Shinrin hush, its hallmark IndiaAI mission, has enabled the creation of the India AI Safety Institute and the public‑sector BharatGen model, announced earlier this year. This reflects a coherent, outward‑looking narrative: one where India is not merely a consumer of Western AI but a producer and ethical interlocutor in its own right, framing a normative trajectory for the Global South. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This junction of AI, trade, sanctions, and diplomacy reveals an Indian posture defined by complexity rather than simplification. India is neither a protectable emerging market nor a fearful collateral of competition; it is instead a multifaceted actor shaping its lane, steering norms, and anticipating friction. If India is being squeezed by trade reform at the WTO, by diplomatic pressure over Russia, and by bilateral negotiations with large economies, it is responding with a choreography of normative offers, negotiation discipline, and diplomatic nuance. Strategic autonomy is no longer a slogan; it is a tactical posture. India's message comes across loud and clear: we will trade responsibly, not opportunistically; we will engage in global initiatives, not deflect them; we will assert our interests, not surrender them. This posture is especially critical because India's multilateral footprint is expanding with institution‑shaping spaces. In 2025, it has convinced even sceptics that its voice is consequential and its initiatives, from AI safety to trade alliances, are worth centralising. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD None of this is without strain. The geo‑economic environment is a maze of competing pressures: pressure to align with Western sanctions regimes, to commit to bilateral trade deals, to accelerate AI governance, and to stabilise border diplomacies. But India seems to have resolved a complex arithmetic: diplomacy that does not buy influence with submission, trade that does not cost sovereignty, tech engagement that does not sacrifice agency, and multilateralism that negotiates interest, not ideology. The key test lies ahead: can India engineer a degree of coherence across ministries, Commerce, Finance, External Affairs, and IT? Can it manage stakeholder friction between business communities aligned to greenhouse tech corridors and those tied to legacy energy relations with Russia? Can it maintain credibility on the world stage while cultivating domestic legitimacy? These questions are not rhetorical; they are strategic deadlines directed at policymaking systems, where alignment and execution define success. Ultimately, this is more than policy choreography; it is India redefining its global centre of gravity. When the US Congress debates whether India is aligned enough to merit exemption from sanctions, Delhi's internal coordination across diplomatic, economic, and strategic lines becomes part of its national security calculus. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD When WTO multilateralism teeters, India can offer constructive reform, leadership or resistance. When AI norm debates emerge, India doesn't merely have a seat; it has proposals. India projects the kind of policy confidence few states of its standing enjoy. India stands assertive, multi‑alignment‑centric, normatively engaged, and institutionally responsive. It is not the India of aspiration alone; it is the India of agency, reframing between autonomy and engagement, between principle and pragmatism. Amal Chandra is an author, political analyst and columnist. He posts on 'X' at @ens_socialis. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

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