Pb Cong chief hails AAP retreat on land policy, predicts '27 rout
Addressing senior party leaders in Ludhiana, Warring likened AAP's future to that of its "A-team," the BJP, which he said had been "banished" from rural and urban Punjab. He predicted a severe defeat for AAP in the 2027 assembly elections, accusing it of following the BJP's "rule book". Warring, who also inaugurated six open-air gyms in the city funded through his Local Area Development (LAD) Fund, said Congress was intensifying its outreach to voters.
He and senior leaders are meeting residents and grassroots workers to gather feedback on both the government and the party's strategy.
He argued AAP had lost credibility through repeated failures and an alleged attempt to "loot" farmers' land, while the SAD was "vertically split" and the BJP "nowhere in the race." "People see only hope in the Congress," Warring said. tnn
Stay updated with the latest local news from your
city
on
Times of India
(TOI). Check upcoming
bank holidays
,
public holidays
, and current
gold rates
and
silver prices
in your area.
"Get the latest news updates on Times of India, including reviews of the movie
Coolie
and
War 2
."
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Scroll.in
18 minutes ago
- Scroll.in
How Jinnah survived an assassination attempt in Bombay
On a July day in 1943, Muhammad Ali Jinnah entered his secretary's room in his Malabar Hill bungalow to find a young man speaking with the secretary. The man was desperate for a meeting with the Muslim League leader. He hoped that if he could just speak to Jinnah, he might convince him to reach a compromise with the Congress and Mahatma Gandhi on the issue of India's partition. But instead of dialogue, there was violence. Aggravated by Jinnah's refusal to meet, the young man pulled a knife from his pocket and attempted to stab him in the throat. Jinnah managed to deflect the blade – just barely. He suffered a small puncture wound on his jaw and a gash across the back of his hand. His assailant, Rafiq Sabir Mozangvi, was quickly overpowered by the household staff and arrested by the Bombay Police. But one question lingered: who was this man, and had he travelled halfway across India to attack the leader of the Muslim League? Travels from Lahore The story begins weeks earlier in Lahore, when Mozangvi boarded a train to Delhi, driven by a burning political grievance. Although only 32, Mozangvi had lived many lives – working as an electrician, committing petty crime, serving short stints in prison, and shifting allegiances among the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the Ahrar Party. Eventually, he aligned with the Khaksar movement, a paramilitary group led by political theorist and Islamic scholar Allama Inayatullah Khan Mashriqi, who opposed the creation of Pakistan and believed Muslims could prosper in a united India. 'I decided to stay at Delhi for a day as I thought Mr. Jinnah might pass through there, but on making enquiries I was told that Mr. Jinnah was probably already in Bombay,' Mozaangvi told the Bombay Police in a statement. From Delhi, he took a train to Cawnpore, spending a few hours there, and then hopping on another train to Mughal Sarai. 'As I travelled all the way without a ticket, I found it necessary frequently to alight from the train and catch another train,' Mozaangvi said, 'and I eventually reached Bombay V.T. Station at sometime near 8 pm last night having travelled via Gwalior, Busaval, Bhopal, etc.' He wandered the bazaars at night, slept on the footpath, and bathed in a mosque – though he could not say exactly where, claiming his mind was 'obsessed with the object' of meeting Jinnah and discussing the 'political policy of the Muslim League'. He asked around for directions to Jinnah's house and was given a receipt by a Muslim League member bearing the printed address of Jinnah's bungalow on Mount Pleasant Road. Angry confrontation At the gates of the bungalow, Mozangvi told the security guard, a 'Pathan with a long moustache', that he wished to see Jinnah. He was escorted to Jinnah's secretary, AI Syed, who asked him to put his request in writing. As they spoke, Jinnah himself walked in and asked what the visitor wanted. From this point, accounts diverge. According to John Colville, the Commissioner of Police for Bombay, Mozangvi told 'Mr. Jinnah that he wanted to have an interview with him regarding the solution of the present political deadlock in the country and Mr. Jinnah's refusal to see Mr. Gandhi. Mr. Jinnah told him that he was very busy and had no time, and that Rafiq Sabir could make an appointment with his Secretary and could see him in a day or two.' This apparently enraged Mozangvi, who first punched Jinnah in the jaw and then tried to stab him. 'Mr. Jinnah warded off the blow and caught hold of the assailant's right hand with his left hand and in doing so sustained an incised wound on the back of his left hand one and half inches long skin deep,' Colville wrote in a letter to the Home Secretary. 'He also sustained a small punctured wound on the angle of the left jaw.' Jinnah's servants managed to subdue Mozangvi and summoned the police, who arrived promptly and arrested him. Mozangvi offered his own version of events. He claimed that when Jinnah entered the secretary's office, he pointed at him and said something in English. 'I stood up and saluted and explained to Mr. Jinnah that I had travelled a long way to see him and asked him to hear me,' Mozangvi said. 'Mr. Jinnah abruptly refused and pointed towards the door saying in English 'get out' or 'walk out.' I do not remember which expression he had used, but the purport of his words was that I should leave the place. I understand enough of the English language to know what was being said.' Mozangvi said he refused to leave and repeated his request for an interview. At that, Jinnah 'flew into a rage' and abused him, calling him a 'dog' and 'zalil (despicable)'. He claimed that Jinnah's servants tried to push him out of the room and struck him. 'I also used my fists in retaliation,' he said. 'Mr. Jinnah was standing nearby. During the struggle, I remembered a clasp knife that I had in my pocket and took it out in self-defence. I cannot say how Mr. Jinnah was injured.' During interrogation, Mozangvi insisted that his only purpose in meeting Jinnah was to urge him to speak with Gandhi. 'I have no real grudge against the Muslim League or against Mr. Jinnah personally, beyond my disapproval of certain points of policy followed by them.' He added that he believed Jinnah lacked sincerity in seeking a constructive dialogue with Gandhi. 'I disapprove of Mr. Jinnah's attitude in this matter and consider he is doing a disservice to Muhammedans and to India in general. On giving the matter considerable thought I came to the conclusion that Mr. Jinnah's true policy is one of self-aggrandisement and that he has no real desire to do anything towards ending the political deadlock in the country for the mutual benefit of all Indians.' Panic in Bombay The police report noted that Jinnah's injuries were not serious and were treated by Dr Massina on Pedder Road. Soon after, Jinnah addressed the press about the attack. 'Although it was a serious and well-planned attack, no serious injuries were inflicted on me,' he told Reuters. 'I do not want to say anything just now but I appeal to Muslims to remain calm and cool, and let us all thank Providence for this miraculous escape.' The news of the attempted assassination spread through Muslim neighborhoods in Bombay. Some shopkeepers shuttered their stores until Muslim League workers assured them there was no need to panic. 'All the newspapers, including the extreme Congress press, had condemned the attempt and congratulated Jinnah on his escape,' the Intelligence Bureau wrote in a confidential report. The Bombay Police contacted their counterparts in Lahore and requested that an officer be sent to interrogate Mozangvi to determine whether a broader conspiracy was at play, as the Muslim League alleged. 'I saw Mr. Jinnah shortly after the incident and in the course of conversation I questioned him as to whether in his opinion the action of the assailant was that of one man instigated by an idea which he developed in his own mind or whether it was an idea planted by someone else,' Commissioner Colvile wrote in a letter to the director of the Intelligence Bureau. 'Mr. Jinnah's opinion was that the idea had been planted there by Allama [Inayatullah Khan] Mashriqi, the Khaksar leader.' When Colville expressed his doubts, Jinnah replied that Mashriqi 'was a very indiscreet gentleman and also extremely pig-headed and obstinate'. The commissioner offered an alternative explanation. 'I suggested that a leader might convey to several of his trusted followers that Mr. Jinnah was an obstacle to Self-Government, and that if he were removed, their goal might be within reach. This small group might then have incited the assailant to commit this dastardly act,' Colville wrote. 'Mr. Jinnah doubted this and said that in his opinion Allama Mashriqi was so indiscreet and individualistic that it was not at all unlikely that he personally would have expressed such views to the assailant – and that the assailant, having absorbed the idea, decided to act on it.' The Criminal Investigation Department had a file on Mozangvi, revealing that he had lived in various parts of India, including Aligarh, where he ran a tea shop, and Calcutta, where he was wanted for theft in May 1943. He remained untraceable after the theft until he resurfaced in Bombay two months later. The file also revealed that Mozangvi had embezzled Khaksar funds in Cawnpore. The police found no direct evidence linking the assassination attempt to Mashriqi. Threat to life In November 1943, Mozangvi was sentenced to five years' imprisonment by the Bombay High Court. The court found no links between the attack and the Khaksar movement. Police records from 1943 reveal that there was another plot by members of the Khaksar movement to assassinate Jinnah that year. 'It was reported that one Abdul Rahim Dagh, a resident of Ambala district and Nazim Bab-i-Ali of the Delhi Khaksars, had called on Sadiq, alias Munir to Delhi, and detailed him to proceed to Bombay to murder Mr. Jinnah,' GAJ Boon, assistant director of the Intelligence Bureau, wrote in a December 1943 report. When members of the movement in Delhi heard about the plot, they immediately informed Mashriqi. 'It was reported that Allama Mashriqi ordered that the plan must be frustrated at all costs,' Boon noted. The bureau remained vigilant, monitoring individual Khaksar members who might attempt to assassinate Jinnah. 'While, therefore, there is no evidence at present that the Khaksars are planning to assassinate Mr. Jinnah, it remains true that the Khaksars are not particularly pleased with him and the possibility of an individual attempt to harm him physically cannot, in the circumstances, be entirely discounted,' Boon added. 'Fortunately Rafiq Sabir has received heavy punishment for his attack on Mr. Jinnah and this may deter others from repeating the performance.' Mashriqi, who opposed the partition of India until the end, would go on to become a citizen of Pakistan after its formation. He remained politically active until his death in 1963.
.jpg%3Fw%3D1200%26ar%3D40%253A21%26auto%3Dformat%252Ccompress%26ogImage%3Dtrue%26mode%3Dcrop%26enlarge%3Dtrue%26overlay%3Dfalse%26overlay_position%3Dbottom%26overlay_width%3D100&w=3840&q=100)
New Indian Express
18 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Leniency for convicts, misuse of UAPA draw flak at CPI conference
PATHANAMTHITTA: In a strong critique of the state home department, the district conference of the CPI in Pathanamthitta has raised concerns over the misuse of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the provision of 'lenient conditions' for high-profile jail convicts including Kodi Suni, the prime accused in the T P Chandrasekharan murder. The political report, presented at the three-day meet being held in Konni, asked the ruling front to ensure fairness in the system. CPI state secretary Binoy Viswam, in his address, also took aim at the home department, cautioning the LDF government against the indiscriminate use of UAPA. Referring to the cases of Alan Shuhaib and Taha Fazal, Viswam said: 'Cases can be registered when there are valid reasons, but the government should not appear as one that keeps people in jail indefinitely under UAPA. That is the CPI policy.' He also cited the plight of Maoist leader Roopesh, who reportedly had to go on a hunger strike to publish a book, despite the Supreme Court having affirmed prisoners' right to do so. 'Kerala should not become a state that permanently detains citizens. CPI cannot accept this. UDF and BJP can do it, the Left government should not,' he stressed. The report highlighted that top police officers like ADGP Ajith Kumar are even disregarding ministerial directives. The report further criticised nepotism in Kudumbashree-linked appointments and warned that political welcoming of those accused under the Kerala Anti-Social Activities (Prevention) Act (KAAPA) and even POCSO could trigger public backlash. While acknowledging significant modernisation in the health sector, the CPI report called for better administrative discipline at the senior level. 'Kudumbashree is a major women's empowerment initiative, but placing its members directly in government departments without going through PSC (Public Service Commission) or employment exchange can raise fairness concerns and affect departmental functioning. Strong financial discipline is essential to avoid irregularities,' the report noted. Environmental concerns — including quarrying, soil removal, and paddy field reclamation — were also flagged, with the party calling for tighter vigil. The report also criticised the functioning of the animal husbandry department. On the national front, the CPI accused the RSS of attempting to portray itself as the 'apostles of the country' while glorifying leaders like Vinayak Savarkar 'who apologised to the British six times'. It also warned against Christian priests maintaining ties with the BJP, saying 'wolves in sheep's clothing' must be identified. The district meet will conclude on Saturday.
Time of India
18 minutes ago
- Time of India
Opposition PDP, PC trash Omar Abdullah's proposed signature campaign for restoration of statehood of Jammu and Kashmir
Jammu and Kashmir's opposition parties have criticized Chief Minister Omar Abdullah's proposed signature campaign. The campaign aims to restore statehood. Opposition leaders call it a betrayal of public trust. They accuse Abdullah of normalizing the 2019 decisions. These decisions revoked Article 370. Sajad Lone suggests a resolution in the assembly. Waheed Para demands an apology from Abdullah. Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Opposition parties in Jammu and Kashmir stated that the signature campaign in support of statehood proposed by chief minister Omar Abdullah is mockery and betrayal of the trust and mandate of the people reposed in the National Conference in the last assembly opposition People's Democratic Party and People's Conference legislators accused Abdullah of normalizing the decisions of August 5, 2019, when the BJP led government in New Delhi, abrogated Article 370 and 35 (A) and downgraded the erstwhile state of J&K into the two Union Territories of J&K and during his speech on August 15, here in Srinagar had said that he will no longer be silent on the issue of restoration of statehood and instead hit the streets and reach out to people in all 90 assembly constituencies across J&K. He said that his government will get their signatures in support of restoration of statehood which will be submitted before the BJP leader government in New Delhi and the Supreme Court. The SC while hearing the petition on restoration of statehood on August 14, gave eight weeks time to the central government to submit their response.'We will support any movement towards statehood. But please don't make a mockery of statehood. Let us approach the Supreme Court as a constitutional entity not as another 'Tom Dick and Harry. Signature campaigns have no legal or constitutional sanctity,' said Sajad Lone of People's Conference. He suggested that the NC led government should pass a strong resolution in the J&K assembly. 'Our resolutions are not binding on the Supreme Court, but inherent in them will be constitutional dignity and reflect will of people…Political or signature campaigns have no legal or constitutional sanctity,' said Lone asking, 'Name one event empirically in India or in the rest of the world where signature campaigns have altered legal interpretations. They are not even admissible.'The PC chief also referred to the 2007 signature campaign 'Safr-e-Azadi' of the jailed Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front leader Yasin Malik. 'The signature campaign for independence was carried out by Yasin Malik also. How far did that campaign go,' Lone asked. He accused Abdullah of showing, 'disregard, disdain and contempt for the assembly that has made him the CM.''I beg you. Please stop this childish and immature attitude. We will support any campaign unconditionally. But please ensure that a resolution from the state assembly is also passed and sent to the Supreme Court,' said Lone, adding, 'Don't set the stage for denial of statehood. Act like a leader. Don't throw tantrums…This is a real ideological battle. This is not a video game.'The PC legislator from Handwara, who served as a minister in the last PDP-BJP government, asked Abdullah to explain 'whether he was shielding and protecting the state BJP and giving them the luxury of not taking a position on statehood, by not passing a resolution on statehood?'The PDP legislator from Pulwama, Waheed Para said that Abdullah owes an apology not a signature campaign for normalising 5th August. 'With 50 MLAs behind him, he has reduced the fight for J&K's statehood to token gestures, after seeking votes door-to-door on the promise of restoring pre–5th August status,' said Para, adding, 'This is not just retreat, it is betrayal.' The PDP leader said that the people of J&K gave Abdullah a historic mandate to fight for Article 370 and statehood, not to stage political theatre. 'If he has already surrendered, he must admit it and apologise to every citizen of J&K for selling promises he never intended to keep,' said Para.
