
Haiti police, army to get more money in ‘war budget,' but overall increase still small
But the increase, announced as part of a revision to the country's current annual budget, is coming under criticism from political figures and at least one economist because very little of the funding is coming from new revenue. Instead, they money in what the government is labeling a 'war budget' is being shifted from other priorities, such as the cleaning of canals in flood-prone communities and agriculture investments, while the government has shown no willingness to reduce its own spending.
'This budget isn't going to make any difference,' said Clarens Renois, a former journalist and head of the Union Nationale pour l'Intégrité et la Réconciliation party, who says the country's ruling Transitional Presidential Council is keeping its hefty pay. 'If you have a war budget, the first thing you would like to see is the council making the sacrifice and reducing their own salaries. You don't see any reductions.'
The council, which has been criticized for using intelligence money to fund its salaries in the amended 2024-25 budget, which began on Oct. 1 and ends Sept. 30. Aimed at tackling armed gangs and the worsening humanitarian crisis, it described making 'a strategic distribution' of $277 million to support the national police and Armed Forces of Haiti. It 'reflects the firm will of the State to act decisively on the security, humanitarian and institutional fronts,' the ruling panel said in a statement.
Before Monday's amended budget was approved by the council of ministers, Haiti's overall budget was 323.445 billion Haitian gourdes — or $2,488,038,461 in U.S. dollars — for an estimated 12 million people. After the decision was made to increase spending on anti-gang efforts, the new budget was approved at 323.451 billion gourdes, or $2,488,084,615.
The difference between the old budget and the new one amounts to an additional $45,831 — a minuscule boost for a nation not only reeling from uncontrolled gang violence but its fallout, which is being felt in the capital of Port-au-Prince and the surrounding areas.
Gangs are carrying out deadly attacks that have left more than 1,000 people dead since the beginning of the year and are taking over communities in the capital and areas in other regions of Haiti. On Monday, as the new spending plan was being rolled out, a gang leader circulated a video showing him destroying a police station in the town of Mirebalais, northeast of Port-au-Prince. Mirebalais and the town of Saut'd'Eau in central Haiti are the latest to come under the control of members of the powerful Viv Ansanm gang coalition.
More money for police, army
Spending for the Haiti National Police in the revised budget will now be boosted to $253.85 million, a 10% increase. The Armed Forces of Haiti will see a 20% funding increase to $64.43 million.
The amounts, however, are still a pittance compared to what is needed for equipment, weapons or to even replace the dozens of police stations that have been destroyed by gangs.
None of the funds will go toward the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission, which is financed through voluntary contributions to a United Nations trust fund. The mission received over $629 million from the United States under the Biden administration last year to fund its operations, which included $400 million to operate a base.
Another winner in the budget changes will be social programs focused on education and humanitarian assistance. The funding will increase from $639.2 million to $688.4 million.
Some critics say it's not enough, considering more than a million people are homeless and living in soiled encampments that don't even have latrines or access to drinking water, and thousands are being deported each month from the neighboring Dominican Republic.
There is also concern that the revised budget will mean less money for food production and public works, which though not a priority in the capital are vital necessities in rural communities where torrential rains this week pose the risk of landslides and deaths.
'When you are pulling money out of public works and agriculture to put in social programs. and security it may not seem like a bad thing, but in the mid-term and long-term you are going to pay for it because you're going to get less infrastructure, and you are going to get less food production,' said Kesner Pharel, an economist who lives in Port-au-Prince.
Pharel said his analysis shows that while there are significant budget increases for the security forces, he doesn't see anything in the amended changes to promote growth to continue paying for the funding. Also, the government is paying for the changes by going deeper into debt, borrowing from treasury bonds.
'We need a war budget to fight poverty and extreme poverty. We don't need a war budget to be feeding into institutions like the army and the police that cannot perform,' Pharel said. 'We are losing plenty of territories, we are losing police stations, we are losing almost everything. They've increased the security budget for the last five years, but what have been the results? What is the performance, beside losing more territories every day?'
The government and nine-member transitional presidential council, he said, 'are trying to see how they can solve a short-term problem' by doing business as usual.
'The first thing to do is to change the structure of the government. You can't have the same structure like, the same number of ministries,' Pharel said. 'You have too many ministries, you have too many people, too many organizations. They're spending money like hell.'
One example is the 3.5 billion gourdes, or $26.9 million, in the budget for Parliament. Haiti hasn't had a parliament since the last 10 senators left office in 2022 and its building is currently in a no-go zone that's been overtaken by armed groups.
'Where are the employees? Who are you paying for? What are they doing?' Pharel said.
Renois said Haiti's exploding gang phenomenon isn't just about armed groups exacting violence on the population, but about the inequality and grinding poverty in communities that have been abandoned by the government.
'To make a difference you would need to have a budget that allows the police and the army to hire more people, and they would need equipment. From what I see, there aren't enough provisions here for that,' Renois said. 'It's clear there is no political will to change the situation.'
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Newsweek
a day ago
- Newsweek
Trump Administration Suffers Double Legal Blow Within Hours
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The Trump administration suffered two legal defeats within hours on Friday. A judge in California ordered the release of a Syrian national it has been seeking to deport while a federal Rhode Island judge blocked the imposition of new conditions on domestic violence programs as part of the president's campaign against "gender ideology." Details of both cases were shared on X by Kyle Cheney, senior legal affairs reporter for Politico. Newsweek contacted the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice for comment on Saturday outside of regular office hours via email and press inquiry form respectively. Why It Matters With Republicans controlling both chambers of Congress as well as the White House the courts have emerged as one of the main impediments to Trump administration policy. The administration has suffered a number of prominent legal defeats including courts striking down punitive measures introduced by Trump against law firms involved in proceedings against him, blocking a bid to strip thousands of Haitian migrants of legal protection and removing sanctions aimed at International Criminal Court employees. Release of Salam Maklad U.S. District Court Judge Jennifer Thurston, of the Eastern District of California, on Friday instructed the release of Salam Maklad, a Syrian from the Druze religious minority who arrived in the United States in 2002 without valid entry documents and claimed asylum, according to court documents seen by Newsweek. Maklad went on to marry a man who was granted asylum, which her legal team argued made her eligible for legal immigration status. President Donald Trump listening to questions from reporters after speaking on economic data in the Oval Office on August 07, 2025 in Washington, DC. President Donald Trump listening to questions from reporters after speaking on economic data in the Oval Office on August 07, 2025 in Washington, DC. Win McNamee/GETTY On July 9, Maklad was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers after arriving for what she believed was a routine "check-in" meeting and subsequently placed in "expedited removal proceedings" seeking to deport her from the U.S. Thurston noted that Maklad had no criminal history and wasn't considered a flight risk, and concluded that "the balance of the equities and public interest weigh in favor of Ms. Maklad." Consequently she ordered her release from custody and said authorities are blocked from rearresting her "absent compliance with constitutional protections, which include at a minimum, pre-deprivation notice—describing the change of circumstances necessitating her arrest—and detention, and a timely bond hearing." Domestic Violence Funding Friday also saw Senior District Judge William Smith of Rhode Island rule the Trump administration couldn't impose fresh conditions on funds granted by the Violence Against Women Act due to the president's Executive Order 14168 titled "Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government." This funding is distributed by the Department of Justice's Office on Violence Against Women. Trump's order stated that sex is a person's "immutable biological classification as male or female," and that the federal government should "prioritize investigations and litigation to enforce the rights and freedoms" associated with this position. The Office on Violence Against Women updated its policy on what constitutes "out of scope activities," and therefore should not be funded by its grants, after this order was issued in "approximately May 2025," according to the court filing. This added spending on "inculcating or promoting gender ideology as defined in Executive Order 14168" to the prohibited list. The case was brought by a coalition of 17 nonprofit groups which argued adhering to President Trump's position on gender was impeding their ability to assist victims of domestic violence. Judge Smith backed the coalition's position concluding that the fresh requirements imposed by the Trump administration "could result in the disruption" of services for victims of domestic and sexual violence. What People Are Saying In the California case Judge Thurston ruled: "Respondents are PERMANENTLY ENJOINED AND RESTRAINED from re[1]arresting or re-detaining Ms. Maklad absent compliance with constitutional protections, which include at a minimum, pre-deprivation notice—describing the change of circumstances necessitating her arrest—and detention, and a timely bond hearing. "At any such hearing, the Government SHALL bear the burden of establishing, by clear and convincing evidence, that Ms. Maklad poses a danger to the community or a risk of flight, and Ms. Maklad SHALL be allowed to have her counsel present." In his ruling Judge Smith wrote: "On the one hand, if the Court does not grant preliminary relief, then the Coalitions will face real and immediate irreparable harm from the challenged conditions, conditions which the Court has already concluded likely violate the APA. "This could result in the disruption of important and, in some cases, life[1]saving services to victims of sexual assault and domestic violence. On the other hand, if the Court grants preliminary relief, then the Office will simply have to consider grant applications and award funding as it normally does." What's Next It remains to be seen whether the Trump's administration will seek to appeal either of Friday's rulings.


Miami Herald
3 days ago
- Miami Herald
Haiti ushers in last phase of transitional government amid color, class tensions
The latest transition of power in Haiti is highlighting long-standing fault lines between the country's Black majority and the mostly mixed-race business class and threatens to inflame unresolved social dynamics, spilling into the country's already volatile politics. Adding to the tensions: The U.S. State Department is weighing into the fray, accusing unnamed 'malign actors' of trying to destabilize the crisis-wracked nation by offering bribes to block the hand-over of power. On Thursday, Laurent Saint-Cyr assumed the leadership of Haiti's ruling nine-member Transitional Presidential Council from Fritz Alphonse Jean, a U.S.-educated economist, as part of a rotating presidency. Saint-Cyr represents the private sector on the council, which has some presidential powers and is tasked with restoring law and order to the Caribbean nation. Ahead of the change over, concerns over a possible coup led to increased security precautions. There was no coup, but on the morning of the swearing-in, armed gangs launched attacks on the road leading to the seat of government after Jimmy 'Barbecue' Cherizier, a leader in the Viv Ansanm gang coalition, announced his intent on social media to attack the prime minister's office and the Villa d'Accueli, where both the prime minister and Transitional Presidential Council work. Saint-Cyr is slated to remain in power until Feb. 7, 2026, which is supposed to be the end of the transition and a run-up to national elections. His ascension consolidates power in the hands of members of the country's small, lighter-skinned economic elite for the first time in recent memory, and has been for months the subject of political infighting and intense debates about colorism and class that harken back to Haiti's colonial history. Tensions peaked last week when bribery allegations surfaced amid reports of an attempt to remove Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé ahead of the changeover to shift the balance of power. Jean and other council members, along with the head of the Pitit Desalin political party, Jean-Charles Moïse, reportedly held secret talks about replacing Fils-Aimé as prime minister after efforts to dissuade Saint-Cyr from taking the helm failed. Fils-Aimé was unanimously appointed to the prime minister job in November after the council abruptly fired his predecessor, Garry Conille, after barely six months. Like Saint-Cyr, Fils-Aimé is from the business community and is considered part of Haiti's self-described 'mulatto' class, which, along with the private sector, has historically been a lighting rod for the country's ills. On Friday, the State Department took to X and, in a highly unusual post, the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs made it known Washington will 'hold accountable anyone who seeks to disrupt' the transition. 'The United States is aware of reported bribery attempts to undermine Haiti's stability,' the post said. 'We commend those [council] members for rejecting corruption and reaffirm our support for their collaborative work with the Prime Minister to work together to stabilize Haiti, in our shared national interests.' State Department officials, responding to an inquiry from the Herald, did not provide details or say what fueled the post on Haiti. They would only say that they are 'aware of credible reports that malign actors are actively seeking to destabilize the transition government.' Jean, who took over the council's presidency in March, and Moïse denied the bribery allegations, and argued they were justified in their concerns about the transition, which would place two lighter-skinned men in the two top positions of power in Haiti, because of the country's long, tortuous history in which a small, lighter-skinned minority class has long controlled the majority of the wealth. 'Analyses are pouring in on social media and on radio stations on social rifts that may occur with Saint-Cyr and Fils Aimé occupying the top of the executive branches,' he said. He also dismissed the allegations of any bribery taking place behind the scenes. 'This question of bribery is a pure narrative manipulation of political entrepreneurs fighting to keep the status quo,' Jean said ahead of Thursday's swearing-in ceremony. 'It is a desperate and trivial effort to attract the sympathy of American congressmen and women, and the U.S. administration.' The optics are not lost on Haitians, who worry about political fallout from the country's small economic elite taking such a visible role when armed gangs have targeted their properties, and foreign governments have openly accused some of them of financing the gang warfare. But critics and political observers also say that Jean and others who are part of the transition are weaponizing the class and color issue to hide their own failure to put Haiti on the path to stability. 'We have to recognize that nothing is working here,' said Pierre Esperance, a human rights advice who recently issued a scathing report on the council's failings. The presidential council, he added, 'isn't any good, the governance isn't good, and the country is not being governed. You have a group of individuals who are fighting among themselves while at the same time collecting on all the privileges the state gives them each month, and they are not doing anything for the country.' Espérance warned that if the council and the prime minister fail to take action soon to initiate a political dialogue on governance, Haiti will face even greater instability. In the 16 months that the transitional council has been in power, Haiti is no closer to holding elections or getting the armed gangs under control. Instead, the country has ceded ground to gangs, which now control up to 90% of Port-au-Prince and are spreading to other regions to the north. 'Every time there is a change on the council, there is this kind of conflict,' said Jacques Ted St. Dic, who calls the infighting a diversion to hide the failings and corruption in the system. St. Dic acknowledges that given Haiti's history, the country finds itself at a difficult juncture, where the racial conflict between Blacks and lighter-skinned Haitians could resurface at any moment. 'All of those conflicts can emerge into a battle of politicians, a real political fight,' St. Dic said. 'And that's where the danger lies.' The issue had already broken into the publicly this week, when Moïse, the head of the Pitit Dealin party, pushed back on radio on the State Department's post, and evoked the race and class question in his defense. Moïse acknowledge he had meetings about two weeks ago with Fils-Aimé about his concerns, as well as with three council members who have been indicted in a bribery scheme in which they are accused of demanding credit cards and cash from the head of a state-owned bank. Jean, the outgoing head of the presidential council, said he has spoken out about the 'danger' of Saint-Cyr and Fils-Aimé holding power at the same time. More than two centuries after enslaved Africans defeated their French colonizers, there remain deep and divisions and distrust between Haiti's mostly poor, Black population and the small, mixed-race elite in Haiti. For example, on Wednesday, Jean took to social media to distance himself from the council's support of a contract that gives elements of the private sector 24 years of control of 70% of all the cargo-container traffic coming into Port-au-Prince, after questioning its legitimacy in Haiti's economy, which relies heavily on imports and exports. Meanwhile, with armed gangs now seizing on the tensions to advance their attacks, Haitians find themselves divided about whether the new political landscape will bring more violence or help to finally pave the way for a return to stability.


Newsweek
3 days ago
- Newsweek
Trump Is Making History History
The Haitian scholar Michel-Rolph Trouillot said that "any historical narrative is a particular bundle of silences." To form the historical narrative that suits him, President Donald Trump is silencing opposing voices, whitewashing his own actions, and burying the truth under a mountain of lies. It's the ultimate in cancel culture: He is canceling history right in front of our eyes and replacing it with his preferred version of events. A particularly egregious example is the "content review" the administration has forced the Smithsonian to undergo. White House spokesperson Davis Ingle told NPR, "We are fully supportive of updating displays to highlight American greatness. The Trump administration will continue working to ensure that the Smithsonian removes all improper ideology and once again unites and instills pride in all Americans regarding our great history." President Donald Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on Aug. 1, 2025, in Washington, D.C. President Donald Trump speaks to the media as he departs the White House on Aug. 1, 2025, in Washington, "improper ideology" apparently included any references to Trump's two impeachments: the Smithsonian removed those references in July, as The Washington Post discovered, instead noting that "only three presidents have seriously faced removal" (Andrew Johnson, Bill Clinton, and Richard Nixon). One may suppose that Trump's impeachments for illegally trying to strongarm Ukraine and leading a revolt that resulted in the destruction of the Capitol weren't really "serious." Only after intense criticism and pressure did the Smithsonian agree to reinstall Trump's rightful place in the pantheon of the impeached. The content review continues. Yet this is hardly the only example of Trump trying to restore American "greatness" by presenting an idealized, white-Anglo-centric version of history that excludes the contributions of minorities. As soon as he took office, Trump issued an executive order reverting the name of Mount Denali in Alaska back to Mount McKinley. The order praised McKinley, in part, for "an expansion of territorial gains for the Nation"—verbal acrobatics for American imperialism. It also conveniently slighted the Alaskan natives who had originally named the peak ("Denali" derives from the Koyukon for "the high one" or "the great one"). This wasn't the only renaming. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has overseen efforts to restore the names of Confederate generals to our forts through some linguistic trickery to skirt a law which forbids it, finding other Americans with the same last name. He removed famed gay rights activist Harvey Milk's name from a U.S. ship—despite the fact that the tragically assassinated Milk served four years in the Navy and was only discharged due to his homosexuality. Regarding these efforts, Hegseth told a Senate committee, "This is something we've been proud to do, something that's important for the morale of the Army." The Trump administration has also ordered the reinstalment of Confederate general Albert Pike in Washington, D.C. Apparently, he warrants more honor than the heroic Harvey Milk. Under the guise of removing "wokeism" and "DEI," Trump has had government websites remove references to slavery and Jim Crow. At historic sites, park rangers are now expected to get rid of any post or exhibit that criticizes American actions, or as Trump sees it, those that "inappropriately disparage Americans." In other words, if it's not Trump's version of history, he doesn't want to hear it, and he doesn't want you to hear about it either. We are all part of Trump's fantasy now. In that fantasy, slavery wasn't too bad, LGBTQ people do not exist, and the country was greatest when it was oppressing people and forming imperialistic colonies. As is said in The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance, "When the legend becomes fact, print the legend." Nothing else to see here, move along. It's an idea that works conveniently for Trump, since all his life he's been building himself up on convenient narratives. He pretended to be a billionaire even when there was no evidence that he was one. He started his political uprising with the lie that Barack Obama wasn't born in this country. He convinced millions of Americans that his boasting about his sexual assaults was simply the standard "locker room talk." He convinced them, too, that the uprising we saw on January 6 was not an attempted coup, even though it was. And even now, he's dismissed basic facts when they don't reflect the nonsensical narrative he wants to believe, which is why he fired the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics when that agency's report indicated a slowing of the economy under his policies. One has to wonder: What will Trump do if the midterm elections don't go his way? What narrative will he craft then, and how much will it endanger what's left of our republic? "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it," philosopher George Santayana said. Trump is condemning us all. Ross Rosenfeld is a political writer. You can follow his Substack. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.