UAP railway line: ‘Suez Canal' of Asia?
Every time a train crosses a border, it literally falls off the tracks. That's the fate of cargo when two mismatched gauges meet—a phenomenon called 'break of gauge.' For the Uzbekistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (UAP) Railway, gauge choice isn't a dry technicality: it's the very fulcrum of who wins the next Great Game in Central Asia.
When two rail networks of different widths collide, freight must be unloaded from one set of wagons and shifted onto another. That process adds labour, equipment and handling time at every border crossing. For a single container, transshipment can tack on 12–24 hours and 10–20 percent extra cost before it even rolls on to the next country.
Today's proposed trans-Afghan link threads through three incompatible systems: Uzbekistan's 1520 mm Russian gauge, Iran's 1435 mm standard gauge in western Afghanistan and Pakistan's 1676 mm broad gauge. At each frontier lies a breakpoint where goods stall and wallets bleed.
In the 19th-century Great Game, break of gauge was weaponized to define imperial spheres of influence. Afghanistan, determined to remain neutral, refused rail construction altogether—so neither Britain nor Russia could rush troops or supplies across Herat or Kandahar. The result was freedom from invasion, but also from the trade boom rails brought elsewhere.
Fast-forward to today: Iran has laid standard-gauge track into Herat and is pressing Kabul to adopt 1435 mm nationwide (including UAP railway line). From Bandar Abbas and Chabahar, Iranian exports could slide uninterrupted over Afghan steel all the way to Central Asia. Gwadar and Karachi would be sidelined.
With no break of gauge, Iranian goods will undercut Pakistani exporters by virtue of lower handling fees and faster delivery. Afghan and Uzbek/Central Asian markets—hungry for textiles, machinery and staples—would shift their sourcing to Tehran. A standard gauge in Afghanistan for UAP railway line would be most detrimental to Pakistani interests as unloading/loading of cargo from trains would be done twice at TWO break of gauge points, i.e. between Pakistan-Afghanistan and Afghanistan-Uzbekistan border crossing points. This would make our trading goods uncompetitive to Iran and Pakistan's historical trading links would fray, and our ports' promise as regional gateways would dim.
Some propose instead a full Russian-gauge corridor from Peshawar through Kandahar to Tashkent. That vision courts seamless freight to Moscow and beyond. But we must ask: did Pakistan invest in UAP railway line to feed Russia, or to empower our exporters in Punjab and Sindh for Central Asia and Afghanistan?
Ambitions of a Russia-Europe freight pipeline risk burying Pakistan's immediate interests under distant geopolitical dreams. China and Turkey already dominate Eurasian corridors—our few wagons would be lost in the avalanche of cargo from the north.
By contrast, extending Pakistan's broad gauge straight through Afghanistan creates a single uninterrupted artery from Karachi's port terminals to Uzbekistan's markets. No off-loads at Quetta or Mazar-i-Sharif; no extra crew shifts at Kabul; just one continuous steel ribbon to Termez (Uzbekistan).
Broad gauge also carries heavier axle loads—up to 25 tonnes per axle, versus 22 tonnes on standard gauge—boosting per-train payloads by 10–15 percent. Eliminating break-of-gauge can cut per-ton freight costs by at least 20 percent, according to World Bank estimates for similar corridors. Those savings translate into cheaper fertiliser for Punjab farmers, cheaper cotton for our industry and more competitive textiles for European buyers.
Rail corridors aren't just tracks—they are instruments of influence. A broad-gauge UAP railway positions Pakistan as the indispensable gateway to Central Asia, deepens Islamabad's diplomatic clout, and anchors Kabul within our economic orbit. It strengthens our ambition of integrated regional prosperity, linking Gwadar, Karachi and Lahore to Central Asia.
Gauge choice is never just steel and sleepers—it's a statement of intent. Enforcing broad gauge railway line cements Pakistan's role as the region's commercial hub, preserves our competitive edge and ensures that UAP rail serves Pakistani trade interests first. As the Great Game enters its 21st-century chapter, let's not let another strategic detail, or hitch, derail our future. Let's make this Suez Canal work for us, instead of serving others.
Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Express Tribune
3 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Iranian forces kill seven militants in Southeast clash
Deputy provincial governor Ali Velayatipour said the gunmen, all members of the Ansar al-Furqan group, were killed. PHOTO: PIXABAY Iranian security forces on Sunday killed seven members of a militant group in the southeastern province of Sistan-Baluchistan, state media reported. Deputy provincial governor Ali Velayatipour said the gunmen, all members of the Ansar al-Furqan group, were killed in the early hours of Sunday, according to official news agency IRNA. The militants "intended to attack sensitive centres and military and law enforcement bases", Velayatipour said. Iran has designated Ansar al-Furqan a "terrorist" organisation. Last year, the group claimed a suicide attack that killed a police officer, also in Sistan-Baluchistan. Read More: Iran's rulers face existential choice he province which borders Pakistan and Afghanistan is one of Iran's poorest, and a frequent scene of clashes between security forces and Baluch minority rebels. It is home to a large Baloch population, most of whom are Sunni Muslims, in contrast to Iran's Shiite majority. On Saturday, gunmen killed a police officer in a shootout in the province, with the Sunni militant group Jaish al-Adl (Army of Justice) claiming responsibility. The group, based across the border in Pakistan, has claimed multiple attacks in recent years, including an assault on a courthouse last month that left at least six people dead.
Express Tribune
6 hours ago
- Express Tribune
A terror tag and a diplomatic turn
Just days before President Donald Trump's inauguration for the second term, a senior Pakistani diplomat briefed a group of people including experts and journalists in Islamabad. His focus was on the Pakistan-US relationship under Trump's administration. The bottom line was: Pakistan should be prepared for a tough challenge. According to the diplomat, Trump's team was surrounded by people who had little sympathy for Pakistan. Experts and those who understand Trump as well as the nature of Pakistan-US ties echoed similar sentiments. There was consensus that despite the unpredictable nature of Trump, there was little or no room for better prospects of Pakistan-US ties. On the contrary, everyone agreed that the relationship between the US and India would only deepen under President Trump's second term. But when President Trump delivered a maiden address to the US Congress, he praised Pakistan. This was some achievement given that until then he spared no one. He launched a diatribe both against friends and foes. Pakistan was the only exception, which Trump mentioned in a positive way. His praise stemmed from Pakistan's assistance in arresting one of the key masterminds of the Abbey Gate bombing in Kabul in August 2021. Muhammad Sharifullah, one of the ISIS-Khorasan operatives and according to the US was one of the facilitators of Kabul Airport attack, was apprehended on the intelligence provided by the CIA and swiftly handed over to the US. That cooperation not only earned Pakistan praise from Trump but also opened a channel of communication that would eventually lead to Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir being invited to launch at the White House in an unprecedented turn of events. When Trump applauded Pakistan at the US Congress, people were still sceptical that this bonhomie would be short-lived as Trump cannot be trusted. Questions were raised about what Pakistan had offered or was going to offer to the US in return for this cozying up approach of the US? Many people also wonder whether Pakistan would get anything in return. But what happened over the past few weeks following high-level exchanges and frequent interactions between the two countries was that Trump's praise was not mere rhetoric but now reflecting a shift in the US policy. The substantive outcome of Pakistan helping Trump to advance his domestic agenda by arresting Abbey Gate bombing facilitator was the US State Department's move to declare Balochistan Liberation Army and its suicide squad Majeed Brigade as terrorist outfit. The designation of BLA and the Majeed Brigade, as Foreign Terrorist Organisations (FTO), was a major victory for Pakistan. Islamabad had long sought its listing but with little success. The US declared Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) as a terrorist outfit but successive US administrations refrained from taking a similar stance against groups active in Balochistan. One of the reasons included that such groups including BLA and Majeed Brigade were targeting not just the Pakistani interests but also primarily the Chinese interests in the resource-rich Balochistan province. This in many ways probably served the agendas of those who don't want China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to succeed. That was the reason the US decision was extraordinary. The United States not only listed BLA and Majeed Brigade but also seems to be ready to extend cooperation to Pakistan to fight them. The two countries held counterterrorism dialogue, a regular feature, in Islamabad recently. The noticeable change was that for the first time BLA made it to the joint statement. Both delegations underscored the 'critical importance' of developing effective approaches to terrorist threats, singling out the BLA alongside transnational outfits. Washington lauded Islamabad's 'continued successes' in containing entities that threaten regional and global peace. Therefore, listing of BLA and Majeed Brigade is a development that carries legal, political, diplomatic, and operational implications for Pakistan, the US, and even India. First, any BLA or Majeed Brigade funds or property in the US jurisdiction are now frozen. Members and affiliates are barred from entering the US. Providing material support to the group is now a serious US federal crime, even for individuals outside the US if they have US connections. The designation makes it harder for BLA to raise funds internationally through charities, front companies, or sympathetic diaspora groups. The FTO tag makes it riskier for members to travel abroad or seek asylum in countries aligned with US counterterrorism policies. The US can now more actively share intelligence with Pakistan and allies to track, disrupt, or eliminate the group's cells. Diaspora-based sympathisers in the West could face monitoring and prosecution. If BLA finds safe havens in neighbouring states including Afghanistan, the US listing pressures those governments to take action or face reputational costs. While the designation won't end the insurgency, it can weaken its external support structure, especially for high-profile suicide attacks like those by the Majeed Brigade. Second, Pakistan has long stated that BLA is a foreign-backed terrorist group responsible for attacks in Balochistan. The US designation is an international endorsement of that position. Third, India has openly supported Baloch separatists. The US move signals that Washington is not aligning with New Delhi on this issue. Fourth, this listing highlights a warming security relationship between Pakistan and the US. Fifth, quietly, this could create discomfort in New Delhi if US counterterrorism measures start exposing any Indian contacts with Baloch separatists. It is not said publicly but the US move could also be linked to its keen interest in the untapped mines and minerals resources available in abundance in Balochistan. But security is a major challenge. Some view the US interest in mines and minerals with suspicion. The view, nevertheless, in official Pakistani circles is that the US investment in Balochistan could stabilise the situation and it may lay the bases for long-term cooperation between the two countries. The listing of BLA and Majeed Brigade is being seen in that context.
Express Tribune
6 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Missiles and memes
In 2025, the frontlines weren't only on maps. They were in timelines, newsreels and comment sections. Bangkok, Tehran, Karachi saw protests, bomb blasts or drone attacks, evacuations. Right alongside them cropped up reaction memes, viral posts, and GIFs that turned tragedy into theatre. Social media zoomed in on distant conflicts and raised awareness of political rights of various groups. At the same time, by its very nature, social media flattened the context of these crises and transformed them into content. The churn felt distinctly unsettling this year with too many wars unfolding too closely, curated through the anxiety of strangers scrolling from afar. When Bangkok erupted into protests over the disputed election, the world didn't discover them through the BBC reportage so much as through viral TikToks filmed from motorbike taxis. One clip showed a protester sprinting down Sukhumvit Road — slingshot in one hand, bubble tea in the other — with the caption: 'Multitasking level: Thai.' Protest culture in Thailand has long employed humour as defiance. Online, that tradition became not just expression but survival: between serious updates about police lockdowns, posts showed riot police seeking shelter under Hello Kitty umbrellas and demonstrators pausing to feed stray cats. A viral tweet captured it best: 'If you can't control the parliament, at least control the vibe.' Yet humour here was purposeful, it was not a sign of apathy. Iran's uprisings left little room for memes. Video footage carried the rattling sound of live fire, women pulling off hijabs in defiance, and smoke that hovered over chanting crowds. On X, diaspora Iranians amplified these scenes with urgent translations and calls for solidarity. However, their feeds also flooded with misinformation. Recycled clips labelled 'breaking,' and old footage repurposed as new added to panic and added fuel to the fire. Tensions inside the commentary sections erupted in their own right. A London-based Iranian journalist posted a contentious thread accusing Western influencers of 'trending tragedy for clout.' The responses flooded back, some in agreement, others defensive. In that moment, social media didn't cushion the event — it gouged it deeper, turning grief into ammunition and moral mudslinging is the first thing to reach for when sentiments are hurt. As India-Pakistan tensions flared at the border in April-May, the screens lit up. Hasthags like #StandwithTroops and #NoMoreWar were trending within hours. WhatsApp chains delivered blurry desert troop footage — some recent, some recycled. On Instagram, users spliced shots of soldiers with scenes from cricket matches, mocking how the nations treat both virulence and cricket with equal intensity. A Pakistani meme read: 'This area has been added to your cart,' overlaying a disputed map with an absurd click-to-purchase interface. Another quipped: 'We're just one bad Wi-Fi connection away from peace.' Humour persisted, but what defined the commentary was fear. Twitter Spaces that night crackled with dread and speculation. For many inside Pakistan, social media made a far-off flare-up feel closeted right next door — one you could mute, until you couldn't. Still, it wasn't just citizen memes driving the conversation. The Indian government's Press Information Bureau posted a standout meme during the tense border stand-off: 'Yeh koi tarika hai bheek maangne ka?' (Is this any way to beg for alms?) mocking Pakistan's economic woes under a satirical headline about a fictional 'Chief Begging Officer.' It instantly went viral. In response to a ceasefire, Pakistani singer Chahat Fateh Ali Khan's patriotic song 'Meray Watan Meray Chaman' became meme fodder. Sarcastically declared more destructive than nuclear bombs, it prompted comments like 'I surrender.' Across these theatres of conflict, humour appeared as a coping mechanism in Thailand, while outrage flared in Iran, and satire took the wheel in Pakistan. The platforms transformed lived disaster into spectacle in a fast and combustible. Truth and falsehood travel together, faster than fact-checks. And amid the virality, it was easy to forget that each post represented politics and stakes that cannot be seen simply on the phone screen. Still, without social media, many of these stories would never have landed anywhere but behind paywalls or official press releases. For better or worse, visibility turned into resistance online. However, through the lens of the algorithm, it was always edited through the logic of the scroll. After the hashtags By year's end, the news cycle moved on. Thailand's protests entered documentary loglines. Iran's protests fed sanction debates. India–Pakistan tensions cooled under ambiguous ceasefires. Yet in feeds, the residue persists — satirical memes keep resurfacing. Perhaps that's the clearest truth of 2025: social media doesn't stop for anything. Not even the devastation of a war.
