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Vietnam admitted as Brics 'partner country', says Brazil

Vietnam admitted as Brics 'partner country', says Brazil

TimesLIVE16 hours ago

Vietnam has been formally admitted as a "partner country" of the Brics group of major emerging economies, Brazil's government said on Friday, as the bloc presses ahead with an expansion push.
Vietnam is the 10th nation to receive this status, which allows invited countries to participate in Brics summits and other discussion sessions.
Vietnam had expressed earlier this year it was ready to discuss a partnership with Brics, whose original members were Brazil, Russia, India and China. Founded in 2009, it soon expanded to add South Africa.
"The government of Brazil welcomes the decision of the Vietnamese government," said the South American country, which holds the bloc's presidency in 2025.
"Vietnam stands out as a relevant actor in Asia. Its efforts in favor of South-South cooperation and sustainable development reinforce its convergence with the interests of the group."
The group has recently also included Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates, making it a growing diplomatic counterweight to traditional Western powers.
Belarus, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda and Uzbekistan are its other partner countries.

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Foreign transfers are now flowing mostly North to South via remittances — World Inequality Lab report
Foreign transfers are now flowing mostly North to South via remittances — World Inequality Lab report

Daily Maverick

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Foreign transfers are now flowing mostly North to South via remittances — World Inequality Lab report

A new study from the World Inequality Lab covers a lot of ground but one of the things that sticks out is that financial transfers are now moving mostly in a North-South direction – because of remittances. This is a striking contrast to the colonial era that defined the 19th century. The World Inequality Lab, a think-tank fronted by the economic historian Thomas Piketty, has produced a new study that looks at the unequal North-South wealth exchange through the prism of global trade flows and balance of payments over the longue durée from 1800 to 2025. Piketty is a prolific author and public intellectual whose work is focused broadly in readable and insightful ways on the history of inequality. Piketty's latest effort is typically trailblazing and is erected from the foundations of a vast new database on global trade flows and the world balance of payments from 1800 to the present. The study, co-authored by Gastón Nievas, covers a lot of ground but one of the many things that stands out is how financial transfers are now moving in a North-South direction – largely because of remittances. This is a striking contrast to the colonial era that defined the 19th century. 'No country or world region has ever received foreign income inflows approaching the magnitude of Europe's in the 19th century,' the study says. This accumulation of foreign wealth to the European colonial powers – an extractive process – had many taps: France imposed a large debt in Haiti in 1825 to compensate former French slave owners for the loss of their property(!), Britain saddled China with a debt from the Opium War, and there were also massive transfers of tax revenues from colonies to the metropolis. 'Today, financial transfers mostly flow from North to South, particularly through private remittances, rather than from South to North, via colonial transfers. For instance, sub-Saharan Africa received very large cumulated net transfer inflows between 1970 and 2025 (the equivalent of +64% of its 2025 GDP), approximately as much as the cumulated foreign income outflows (-55%),' the authors write. So one of the many trends the study has unearthed is that Africa's inflow of financial transfers since 1970 has exceeded its outflows, and this is mostly explained by wage and salary earners from the continent working abroad and sending part of their income home – and in a big way. These findings come against the backdrop of a rising tide of xenophobia and racism in Europe and North America, fuelled on the far right by the 'Great Replacement' conspiracy theory which holds that white folks up North are being 'replaced' by a tsunami of dark-skinned migrants from the South. Of course, there has been significant migration in recent decades from South to North, not least because of the labour market needs in advanced economies with ageing populations. Far-right shrills in the US and France who want to shut down such migration will shut down their own economies in the process. The findings also underscore the importance of remittances to regions such as Africa. For families these can be literal lifelines of income support, and multiplied many, many times they amount to vast inflows of capital which are at odds with perceptions of capital flight. Remittances, of course, can also create a dangerous economic dependency for the countries on the receiving end that can evaporate if the needs of the labour market change or an isolationist regime builds a wall. Lesotho offers an arresting example on this front. As this correspondent has previously reported, during the peak of South Africa's gold production under apartheid – which relied on a ruthlessly exploited pool of migrant, rural labour – remittances from the wages of Basotho working underground here amounted in 1987 to an astonishing 236% of the mountain kingdom's GDP. 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Africa notably between 1970 and 2025 had a cumulated trade surplus from primary commodities that equalled close to 200% of its GDP, but a trade deficit in manufactured goods equal to 169% of its GDP. It is surely no bad thing to develop your economy and raise the living standards for most of your population through processes such as industrialisation, and not just as a precaution if the remittance flows are suddenly staunched. But for now, remittances are flowing one way, and that in itself speaks to enduring global disparities in economic opportunity. DM

Why a jihadist takeover of a Sahelian capital is unlikely
Why a jihadist takeover of a Sahelian capital is unlikely

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Why a jihadist takeover of a Sahelian capital is unlikely

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Their strength lies in mobility and local knowledge rather than the capacity to occupy and govern territory for long periods. HTS, by contrast, developed a structured military force with centralised command and tactical units capable of coordinated assaults supported by drones and heavy artillery. The group had sustained access to sophisticated weaponry through well-organised transnational supply lines. The fall of Damascus represented the culmination of a broader regime-change dynamic set in motion by the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings and bolstered, to varying degrees, by some Western and Gulf countries. For a while, HTS capitalised on key cross-border corridors – particularly with Turkey – that enabled the steady influx of foreign fighters, medical aid, munitions and advanced weapons systems. No comparable geopolitical architecture exists in the Sahel. While weapons trafficking from Libya has strengthened some armed groups, there is no declared international effort aimed at toppling the governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. Although AES leaders frequently accuse foreign actors – notably France – of supporting terrorism or destabilising the region, open-source data offers little evidence of this. Even Algeria, whose role in northern Mali has occasionally been ambivalent, has never sought to overthrow the government in Bamako. Another point of distinction is the internal dynamics of state militaries. The fall of Aleppo, Hama, Homs and ultimately Damascus, occurred within just two weeks. This was primarily due to the limited resistance by the Syrian Army – weakened by a decade of conflicts, widespread defections and deteriorating living standards. In contrast, the capabilities of armies in Sahelian countries are increasing. 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For now, these factors together render the capture and sustained control of a Sahelian capital by jihadist forces improbable. JNIM and ISGS are likely to restrict themselves to guerrilla and destabilisation tactics. As history shows, however, this does not make these cities immune to political instability linked to rising insecurity. The 2012 Mali coup was triggered by military setbacks in the north. Similarly, Burkina Faso's January 2022 coup occurred following a mutiny prompted by escalating casualties among security forces. Considering the AES countries' protracted military transitions and constrained political environments, further upheavals leading to institutional breakdowns and a disorganisation of security forces cannot be ruled out. This could have unpredictable consequences for the Sahel and west Africa at large. To avoid this, AES governments must acknowledge the strategic limitations of their militarised approach to terrorism. While increasing troop numbers and acquiring advanced weaponry have yielded some tactical successes, these measures haven't incapacitated the violent extremists. In 2024, the Sahel remained the world's epicentre for terrorism for the second consecutive year, accounting for half of all global casualties. The youthful appearance of the assailants in the foiled 2 June Timbuktu attack should be a wake-up call to AES strategists. It reflects a generation of children deprived of schooling due to chronic insecurity, and whose families lack access to income, justice and essential social services. These factors are potent drivers of recruitment into armed groups – and cannot be solved through military means alone. AES governments need a coherent, region-wide counterterrorism strategy that goes beyond military interventions. Valuable insights can be gleaned from the Lake Chad Basin's disengagement and reintegration programmes, Mauritania's religious dialogue initiatives, and Algeria's non-kinetic approach. Equally important is the need to engage with communities stigmatised by counterterrorism operations, fostering trust and reducing the risk of recruitment. Enhanced relations with Algeria and the Economic Community of West African States could bolster regional cooperation and intelligence sharing, strengthening the collective capacity to reduce the threat posed by armed groups. Without a meaningful recalibration of strategy, the Sahel could descend into prolonged fragmentation, with profound consequences for west Africa's stability. DM

Vietnam admitted as Brics 'partner country', says Brazil
Vietnam admitted as Brics 'partner country', says Brazil

TimesLIVE

time16 hours ago

  • TimesLIVE

Vietnam admitted as Brics 'partner country', says Brazil

Vietnam has been formally admitted as a "partner country" of the Brics group of major emerging economies, Brazil's government said on Friday, as the bloc presses ahead with an expansion push. Vietnam is the 10th nation to receive this status, which allows invited countries to participate in Brics summits and other discussion sessions. Vietnam had expressed earlier this year it was ready to discuss a partnership with Brics, whose original members were Brazil, Russia, India and China. Founded in 2009, it soon expanded to add South Africa. "The government of Brazil welcomes the decision of the Vietnamese government," said the South American country, which holds the bloc's presidency in 2025. "Vietnam stands out as a relevant actor in Asia. Its efforts in favor of South-South cooperation and sustainable development reinforce its convergence with the interests of the group." The group has recently also included Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates, making it a growing diplomatic counterweight to traditional Western powers. Belarus, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda and Uzbekistan are its other partner countries.

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