How legal reforms under Modi redefined women's safety
In 2012, the brutal Nirbhaya incident shocked the conscience of the nation. It also exposed the deep fissures in India's legal and administrative framework for women's safety. Inadequate policing, slow judicial response, outdated laws, and near-total absence of survivor support systems painted a bleak picture.
By 2014, India stood at a crossroads. Public outrage was loud, but the legal machinery remained sluggish. Fast-track courts were a concept, not a reality. There were no one-stop solutions and centres, no national women's helplines, no forensic support to fast-track investigation, and no dedicated funds to support such measures. Women's issues were viewed as social concerns and national priorities.
Modi Era: From Protection to Structural Empowerment
Under the visionary leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Government of India has undertaken a paradigm shift—from a fragmented response to a mission-mode approach anchored in legal reform, institutional delivery, and dignity for every woman over the last 11 years of governance.
Legal Safety as National Commitment
The government initiated the establishment of Fast Track Special Courts (FTSCs) nationwide, and today, 745 such courts are operational, including 404 that exclusively deal with cases under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. In contrast to 2014, when One Stop Centres were non-existent, more than 820 districts now have fully functional OSCs providing legal assistance, police intervention, shelter, and counselling under one roof to any distressed women affected by violence.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Time of India
16 minutes ago
- Time of India
A riveting, action-packed year awaits Modi 3.0 on the diplomatic front
The first year of Modi 3.0 will be remembered most for Operation Sindoor, thrusting Pakistan back to the centrestage of Indian foreign policy. By striking terrorist infrastructure deep inside Pakistan, India not only imposed unprecedented costs upon Islamabad for its support to cross-border terrorism but also raised the stakes for the international community's indulgence of Pakistan's duplicity in addressing a core Indian concern. The year also saw milestones being delivered like the India-UK FTA and the India-EU end-of-2025 deadline set by both sides for a similar agreement that the EU has described as the largest deal of its kind anywhere in the world. PM Modi's visit to the US within a month of President Trump's return to the White House, along with the launch of negotiations for a bilateral trade agreement, was also one of the high points. There were other foreign policy pluses, none perhaps more significant than the breakthrough with China in the form of the successful settlement of the five-year-old border standoff. The thaw in the relationship after the Modi-Xi meeting in Oct in Russia saw India resuming bilateral visits to Beijing and agreeing on a host of measures to normalise ties. Among the highlights was the upgrade in ties with the Taliban with the first political contact in the form of external affairs minister S Jaishankar's talks with the acting Afghan foreign minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi. Modi also garnered international attention for his back-to-back visits to Russia and Ukraine, during which he stressed the importance of direct talks to end the war - something the two sides are engaged in currently. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 임플란트 고민 중이라면? 인천 시민이 주목한 33만원 시술 플란치과 더 알아보기 Undo However, many of these foreign policy hits remain an unfinished business and will test India's resolve in the days ahead. On Pakistan, the challenge will be to ensure the global community, particularly the UN Security Council where Pakistan is a member, shows understanding about the punitive terms India has set out in the 'new normal' against Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism. This will be critical in the event of another terrorist attack from across the LoC. The all-party delegations have made a beginning but there's more to be done, while being mindful of the risks of India-Pakistan re-hyphenation that such an exercise might entail. Managing the relationship with the US will be another pressing challenge in the second year of Modi 3.0. This has arisen unexpectedly from Trump's constant needling of India on bilateral trade and perhaps even more damaging utterances on the India-Pakistan conflict, like his use of the term mediation - a big taboo in Indian foreign policy lexicon - and his drawing an equivalence between India and Pakistan. India is hoping that not just the US but also its other Quad partners will be more liberal in their support for India on cross-border terrorism, like in the form of a joint statement when the foreign ministers and leaders meet this year. The third significant challenge in the next few months will be to decide whether it's time to reinforce the improvement in ties with Beijing by resuming direct air and normal visa services with and, more importantly, with a visit to the country by Modi for SCO summit. Despite China's ties with Pakistan acting as a deterrent, India has kept the door open for continued engagement. Modi has also shown interest in rebuilding ties with Canada by accepting his counterpart Mark Carney's delayed invitation for the G7 but this will be subject to Ottawa's handling of Khalistani separatists and also the probe into Nijjar murder that wrecked the relationship. Signs of improvement in Pakistan-Taliban ties and the proposal to expand CPEC into Afghanistan might pose a few problems too. All in all, a riveting, action-packed year is what awaits Modi 3.0.
Deccan Herald
19 minutes ago
- Deccan Herald
Situation in border areas has improved under Modi: Pralhad Joshi
Joshi was addressing a press conference on the track record of the Modi-led government over the past 11 years.
Time of India
33 minutes ago
- Time of India
Modi government at 11: Operation Sindoor a success, but defence budget needs to go up
With the deep military collusiveness between Pakistan and China being rudely reinforced during , India needs to raise its annual defence budget to at least 2.5% of GDP, impart a greater thrust to self-reliance in military R&D and production, and invest heavily in unmanned aerial systems, long-range weapons, space-based systems, electronic warfare and other such tech that will be decisive in future warfare. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Modi govt will have to contend with the now well-fused two-front challenge along our long unresolved borders, which will see China continue to use Pakistan as a more than willing proxy to bog India down in South Asia. China is, and will remain, India's main strategic threat in the years ahead. "India will have to tackle a superpower (China), which will also actively continue to support a near-peer military adversary (Pakistan) against us. We need to continue bolstering both our conventional and nuclear deterrence," a top military officer told TOI. The wide array of Chinese weapons and sensor-shooter networks used by Pakistan during the May 7-10 hostilities, ranging from J-10 fighters firing the PL-15 beyond visual range air-to-air missiles to HQ-9 air defence missile batteries, make this quite evident. It's only going to get worse, with Pakistan on course to acquire at least 40 J-35A fifth-generation stealth jets and even the formidable HQ-19 long-range air defence missile systems from China. Despite competing demands from other crucial developmental sectors, India simply cannot let its defence budget languish at just about 1.9% of GDP. The bulk of the allocation, as of now, is gobbled up by the huge salary and pension bill as well as operational sustenance, leaving barely 25% for concrete military modernisation. "Emergency procurements approved by govt are more than welcome to plug immediate operational gaps, but the overall budget needs a sharp hike," another officer said. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now There is also no getting away from the fact that genuine 'Atmanirbharta' in defence production with a much greater role for the private sector, instead of the present half-hearted measures, is critical for systematically building potent capabilities across the spectrum, ensuring adequate war-wastage reserves and surge capacities in crisis situations. "It's critical for retaining strategic autonomy. India will have to fight its battles alone or largely on its own," the top officer said. The indigenous fifth-generation stealth fighter called the advanced medium combat aircraft (AMCA), for instance, needs to be majorly fast-tracked after the defence ministry last month finally approved a new "programme execution model" for prototype development. The long, meandering developmental history of the fourth-generation Tejas, which began way back in 1983, cannot be repeated. The IAF is still waiting to get the first Tejas Mark-1A 'improved' fighter. Similarly, indigenous development of 110 Kilonewton engines, with or without foreign collaboration, to power AMCA is critical. IAF is currently grappling with just 30 fighter squadrons (each has 16-18 jets) when 42.5 are authorised. Then, there are drones and standoff weapons, which have revolutionised the nature of modern-day combat. From low cross-section loitering munitions and swarm drones to FPV (first person view) drones and UCAVs (unmanned combat aerial vehicles), all need to be produced in India in large numbers. The sheer operational utility of a robust multi-layered air defence also came to the fore during Operation Sindoor, with India using Russian S-400 'Triumf' surface-to-air missile systems (380-km interception range), Barak-8 medium range SAM systems (70-km, jointly developed with Israel), the indigenous Akash systems (25-km) and several short-range systems to thwart multiple drone and missile attacks by Pakistan. Towards this end, DRDO needs to complete its ongoing development of the very short-range air defence system missiles, which have a 6-km range, and the long-range system under Project Kusha, with a 350-km range, on a war footing. Amid all this, long-pending systemic defence reforms like slashing the non-operational flab in the 15-lakh strong armed forces, streamlining long-winded procurement procedures and setting up unified theatre commands for an integrated war-fighting machinery in a cost effective manner, cannot fall by the wayside.
