
JFK assassination-related docs lift secrecy veil from CIA covert ops
These materials are reproduced from www.nsarchive.org with the permission of the National Security Archive.
On the day of President John F. Kennedy's inauguration in January 1961, '47 percent of the political officers serving in United States embassies were CAS' – intelligence agents working under diplomatic cover known as Controlled American Sources, White House aide, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. reported in a Top Secret memorandum on 'CIA Reorganization.'
In the U.S. Embassy in Paris, 123 'diplomats' were actually CIA undercover agents; in Chile, 11 of the 13 Embassy 'political officers' were CIA undercover operatives.
'CIA today has nearly as many people under official cover overseas as [the] State [Department] – 3900 to 3700,' Schlesinger reported to President Kennedy. 'About 1500 of those are under State Department cover (the other 2200 are presumably under military or other non-State official cover).' (Document 1)
The memorandum, declassified in full for the first time, is part of a final release of records on the Kennedy assassination under the Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act of 1992. Pursuant to a directive from President Trump on January 23, the National Archives released 2,182 records (63,400 pages) in two tranches on the evening of March 18 and noted that more would be released as they were digitalized.
The new release includes hundreds of CIA records as well as White House and NSC documents relating to covert operations abroad – particularly in Latin American nations such as Cuba and Mexico, which are fixtures in the history of the Kennedy assassination.
Most of them were released before but with key redactions to protect intelligence sources and methods and covert operations abroad from being revealed. For the first time, these records on CIA covert operations are being released uncensored.
Among the revelations are completely unredacted copies of:
A key document from the CIA's famed 'Family Jewels' series describing 'examples of activities exceeding the CIA's charter,' including a CIA counterespionage operation against the French embassy in Washington, DC, that included 'breaking and entering and the removal of documents from the French consulate' and Director of Central Intelligence John McCone's dealings with the Vatican, including Pope John XXIII and Pope Paul VI, which 'could and would raise eyebrows in some quarters.' (Document 4)
The CIA Inspector General's report on the 1961 assassination of Rafael Trujillo, dictator of the Dominican Republic, revealing the names of CIA officers and others who assisted in the plot. (Document 6)
A series of summaries of briefings by DCI John McCone to members of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB) that provide more details about known CIA political action programs and previously unknown details about 'the Agency's covert financial support to political parties in the fight against communism' around the world. (Document 2)
A CIA inspector general report on the workings of the CIA station in Mexico City providing one of the most detailed views of how the CIA organizes its operations on the ground. (Document 3)
A history of CIA operations in the Western Hemisphere covering 1946-1965, including expenditures by CIA stations in Latin America, and details on CIA payments and influence operations in Bolivia to orchestrate the election of their chosen candidate General René Barrientos. (Document 5)
'There is no doubt that the JFK Records Act has advanced public knowledge of CIA covert operations – who they targeted, how they were conducted and who conducted them – more than any other declassification in the history of access to information,' said National Security Archive senior analyst Peter Kornbluh, who has studied CIA operations for decades. 'Without this law and its implementation over the last 27 years, these operational CIA files would likely have stayed Top Secret for eternity.'
Comparison of page from 1964 CIA history of Mexico City station.
The JFK Records Act
Congress passed the 1992 JFK Act in the wake of a public uproar over Oliver Stone's popular conspiratorial movie, JFK. The film – starring Kevin Costner as New Orleans District Attorney James Garrison, who mounted a failed, conspiracy-driven prosecution of a local businessman for killing Kennedy – finished with a statement that over five million pages of records on the assassination remained secret.
'The suspicions created by government secrecy eroded confidence in the truthfulness of federal agencies in general and damaged their credibility,' noted the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) in its final report.
'Finally, frustrated by the lack of access and disturbed by the conclusions of Oliver Stone's JFK, Congress passed the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act of 1992 (JFK Act), mandating the gathering and opening of all records concerned with the death of the President.'
After the JFK Act was passed, the National Security Archive played a role in advising the five-member oversight board and its staff to establish a broad definition of an 'assassination-related' document.
The ARRB mandated the full release of thousands of documents related not only to the immediate crime, but on covert action and espionage operations in Cuba, and Mexico, among other countries, and on FBI operations and the mafia. To date, the documents have produced countless revelations of the CIA and FBI's operational histories.
CIA expenditures in Latin America by country for FY 1961. (See Doc 5)
'The Review Board has worked hard to obtain all records relating to the assassination of President Kennedy and to release the records to the fullest extent possible to the American people,' the Assassination Records Review Board members wrote in a letter to President Clinton in September 1998, when they turned in their final report.
'We have done so in the hope that release of these records will shed new evidentiary light on the assassination of President Kennedy, enrich the historical understanding of that tragic moment in American history, and help restore public confidence in the government's handling of the assassination and its aftermath.'
The National Security Archive is just starting to sort through this treasure trove of new revelations. Watch this space for future postings on CIA operations and much more.
Click on a title for full-sized document and discussion:
Document 1
Arthur Schlesinger Jr. to President Kennedy, 'CIA Reorganization,' Secret, June 10, 1961, 5 pp.
Jun 10, 1961
Source
National Archives, JFK Assassination Records, 2025 release, Doc ID: 157-10002-10056
Compare to 2023 release.
Document 2
CIA, Minutes from Meetings of the Presidents Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB), Top Secret, various dates from 1962-1963, 41 pp.
1962-1963
Source
National Archives, JFK Assassination Records, 2025 release, Doc ID: 104-10302-10000
Compare to 2023 release.
Document 3
CIA, Extracts of Inspector General's Survey of Mexico City Station, Secret, 1964, 11 pp.
1964
Source
National Archives, JFK Assassination Records, 2025 release, Doc ID: 104-10301-10010
Compare to 2022 release.
Document 4
CIA, Walter Elder 'Family Jewels' memorandum for William E. Colby, 'Special Activities,' Secret/Sensitive/Eyes Only, June 1, 1973, 7 pp.
Jun 1, 1973
Source
National Archives, JFK Assassination Records, 2025 release, Doc ID: 104-10303-10007
Compare to 2023 release.
Document 5
CIA Historical Staff, 'Western Hemisphere Division, 1946-1965,' Secret, December 1973, 24 pp.
Dec 1973
Source
National Archives, JFK Assassination Records, 2025 release, Doc ID: 104-10301-10001
Compare to 2023 release.
Document 6
CIA Inspector General's Report, 'Trujillo Report' [Report on Assassination of Dominican Dictator Rafael Trujillo], Secret-Eyes Only, Undated [Circa Spring 1967], 64 pp.
Spring 1967
Source
National Archives, JFK Assassination Records, 2025 release, Doc ID: 104-10214-10034
Compare to previous release.
Related links
Final Report of the Assassination Records Review Board
Understanding the CIA: How Covert (and Overt) Operations Were Proposed and Approved during the Cold War
Mar 4, 2019
The Family Jewels: The CIA, Secrecy, and Presidential Power
book by John Prados
The CIA's Family Jewels
Jun 21, 2007
LITEMPO: The CIA's Eyes on Tlatelolco
Oct 18, 2006
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Unless comprehensive legal alignment is achieved, Indonesia risks undermining the very goal of creating a more dynamic, innovative and business-friendly SOE sector. To secure Danantara's success and allay early concerns, Indonesia should swiftly implement a set of governance and integrity reforms. First, establish independent oversight by creating a truly independent supervisory board or council for Danantara composed of reputable professionals (including international experts and domestic technocrats) who are not beholden to the current administration. This body should have the authority to oversee the fund's strategy and audit its finances as well as provide checks and balances. Second, strengthen corporate governance and integrity to ensure Danantara and its portfolio SOEs adopt the highest standards of corporate governance, clear performance benchmarks, risk management frameworks, and zero-tolerance policies on corruption. The executives running the fund and the companies under it must be selected based on merit and insulated from political pressure. A code of conduct should bar political office-holders from interfering in day-to-day decisions. Over time, consider partial listings or independent trustees for some holdings to introduce market discipline. These steps will professionalize operations and guard against the fund becoming a 'vehicle for political patronage.' Finally, legally guarantee non-interference by enshrining in law the operational autonomy of Danantara's management. The government should explicitly limit its role to a shareholders-like function, setting broad objectives and risk appetite but not micromanaging investments. Fixed terms for the fund's CEO and directors, removable only for cause, could help shield them from political turnover. Clarify the legal framework to resolve any overlaps; for instance, formalize how the Finance Ministry supports the funds or handles any needed capital injections, to remove uncertainty. Clear, stable regulations will provide the legal certainty global investors need to partner with Danantara. We hope that the government will uphold public trust by strengthening oversight, depoliticizing management, tightening compliance and committing to transparency. If governed with integrity, Danantara can indeed be a powerful engine of growth and a legacy-building institution for Indonesia. But if mismanaged, it risks becoming a US$900 billion liability. We should remain optimistic yet vigilant, ensuring that the government actively mitigates all risks and takes necessary precautions. Ahmad Novindri Aji Sukma is a PhD researcher at the University of Cambridge, specializing in criminology. Arfian Setiaji is a senior legal officer and a University of Washington alumnus specializing in corporate and tech law.