APPGM urges stronger structural reforms in Whistleblower protection law
In a joint media statement, the group welcomed the move as both timely and important, but stressed that the proposed revisions remained insufficient and required significant improvements to guarantee meaningful and lasting protection for whistleblowers.
The group raised six key points to highlight gaps in the current reform framework.
1. Interim committee cannot replace an ombudsman
The partners stressed that the proposed interim committee must not become a permanent solution.
'An ombudsman must be introduced to replace the functions of the interim committee as per the commitment by the Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister's Department (Law and Institutional Reform)
'In the interim period, the committee must include independent civil society actors, legal and governance experts—not just government insiders and that appointments should be transparent and criteria-based,' the statement said.
2. Independent ombudsman is non-negotiable
Echoing long-standing calls for institutional reform, the coalition emphasised that without an independent ombudsman, the WPA remains structurally weak.
They warned that the absence of this key body leaves whistleblower protections 'vulnerable to selective enforcement and political interference.' The group demanded that the ombudsman be established without further delay.
3. Section 6 amendments must override conflicting laws
The partners voiced strong support for proposed amendments to Section 6 of the Act, saying it was essential for the WPA to override conflicting laws such as the Official Secrets Act and Section 203A of the Penal Code.
'Until this is clearly codified, whistleblowers remain at legal risk—defeating the purpose of the Act,' the statement read.
4. Recognition of S11(1A) as positive step
They acknowledged the introduction of a new clause, Section 11(1A), as a constructive improvement.
'We welcome the inclusion of S11(1A) which states that notwithstanding S11(1)(a), the protection conferred to the whistleblower may be maintained by the enforcement agency,' they said.
The clause grants agencies discretionary powers to maintain protection based on investigation findings, which the group saw as a step in the right direction.
5. Multi-stakeholder process must be preserved
The group stressed the importance of maintaining an open and inclusive reform process.
'The WPA amendments are the result of years of multi-stakeholder engagement. The reform process must remain open, inclusive and guided by evidence and international best practice.
'We caution against any regression to closed-door policymaking,' they warned.
6. Bipartisan support is critical
In closing, the partners reaffirmed their commitment to upholding integrity and transparency.
'Real reform requires more than technical adjustments—it requires legal clarity, structural safeguards and institutional courage,' they said.
They also expressed readiness to work with the government to ensure a robust whistleblower protection framework and praised Members of Parliament who had championed these reforms.
'We also commend the MPs raising these issues in Parliament today and urge continued leadership in seeing these reforms through,' the statement said.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Star
a day ago
- The Star
Act to be reviewed to safeguard Orang Asli rights
Four key areas will be among the focus for amendments to the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954, says Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi (pic). The Deputy Prime Minister said comprehensive studies are also being carried out to review existing aspects in the Act. Citing early findings from the studies and engagements with Orang Asli leaders, Ahmad Zahid, who is Rural and Regional Development Minister, said several Orang Asli matters have been identified as requiring amendments. This includes customary land matters, welfare, the management of customary marriages and also governance of traditional leadership in the Orang Asli community. 'I want to assure all that the rights of the Orang Asli community will be defended and improved. Engagements will continue until the amendments are tabled,' he said during Minister Question Time. He also said a special meeting with the Orang Asli Development Council (MaPOA), will be held concurrently with the National Land Council and chaired by the Prime Minister.' Ahmad Zahid said that the Act has not undergone any substantive revision since it came into force in 1954. 'The Act was established to prevent the Orang Asli's involvement in communist activities. The situation now is different as we must focus on education, welfare, infrastructure and the community's future.' The Deputy Prime Minister also said the government is developing a comprehensive and inclusive Orang Asli Development Policy. The policy is aligned with the Rural Development Policy alongside Malaysia's commitment to achieving Sustainable Development Goals. He added that the policy will focus on seven strategies, which are land matters, education, healthcare, economy, leadership, infrastructure and culture. He was responding to Datuk Seri Jalaluddin Alias (BN-Jelebu) who asked if the government intends to amend the Aboriginal Peoples Act to ensure the community's rights are upheld.
Barnama
2 days ago
- Barnama
13MP To Advance Social Mobility, Well-being For Vulnerable Groups
KUALA LUMPUR, July 31 (Bernama) -- The 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP), released by the Ministry of Economy today, outlines targeted initiatives to improve social mobility and well-being among vulnerable groups, including persons with disabilities (PWDs), children and youth. To promote inclusivity in public employment, the government has set a target of at least one per cent PWD participation in the civil service by 2030. The Supported Employment Programme will also be expanded in partnership with the private sector to provide industrial training placements, enabling PWDs to build skills and generate income. Public infrastructure will be made more accessible through the enforcement of the Universal Design Planning Guidelines. A standardised star-rating system for local authorities will also be introduced to improve and monitor compliance. For children, the 13MP outlines comprehensive measures across governance, nutrition, education and social protection to ensure they grow up healthy, safe and with dignity. The First 1,000 Days of Life initiative will be strengthened to support early physical and cognitive development, while implementation of the National Strategic Plan to Combat Child Malnutrition 2023–2030 will be intensified. Child protection against neglect, exploitation and abuse will be reinforced through enforcement of the Online Safety Act 2024 (Act 854), along with the introduction of policies such as age limits for gadget usage to safeguard mental and emotional well-being. Legal protections will also be enhanced through amendments to the Child Witness Evidence Act 2007 (Act 676), which will come into effect in March 2025. The new National Child Policy, launched in November 2024, ensures that children's voices are considered in decisions that affect their future. Youth empowerment is another key focus, with programmes such as the Youth Trust Fund, micro-credential training and the Jejak Belia platform aimed at building skills and financial resilience, especially in strategic sectors such as the digital, green and circular economies. To encourage long-term savings and investment, the Youth Trust Fund will promote financial literacy and planning. Integrated financing options, including flexible-interest schemes for first-time home buyers, will also be explored.
Malay Mail
2 days ago
- Malay Mail
Anwar Ibrahim between idealism and political reality — Muhamamd Makmun Rasyid
JULY 31 — Since assuming the role of Malaysia's 10th Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has faced consistent scrutiny. While political opponents have unsurprisingly challenged his leadership, some of the more pointed critiques have come from within the reformist base that long supported his political journey. Their frustration is understandable. After more than two decades of anticipation, many had hoped that Anwar's premiership would usher in sweeping reforms with immediate impact. Yet, governance, particularly in the current Malaysian context, is far more complex than electoral slogans or ideological conviction. The political reality that Anwar now navigates is markedly different from that of the 1990s, when his reformist ideals first gained prominence. Today's Malaysia is defined by fragmented electoral mandates, multiparty coalitions, and an electorate that is increasingly polarised along ideological and ethno-religious lines. His unity government was forged not out of ideological alignment but political necessity, and it represents a precarious balance of competing interests. In such a context, pushing through bold reforms without broad consensus is not only risky but potentially destabilising. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim speaks to the media after performing Friday prayers in Putrajaya July 18, 2025. — Picture by Raymond Manuel Some have mistaken Anwar's diplomacy and caution for indecision. But his approach is better understood as a form of political realism. Leading a coalition with divergent views requires negotiation, patience, and at times, delay. It is not that he lacks commitment to reform, but rather that he understands reform can only be sustained if it is rooted in political stability. Compromise in this setting should be seen not as capitulation but as strategy. Economic concerns remain at the forefront of public discourse. Anwar's critics argue that his administration has not done enough to address cost-of-living pressures or income inequality. However, these critiques often ignore the structural limitations inherited by his government. Malaysia is still recovering from the economic shocks of the Covid-19 pandemic, grappling with global inflation, and managing a sizable national debt. These conditions require a steady fiscal hand rather than populist spending. Instead of short-term handouts, Anwar's government has prioritised targeted subsidies, responsible fiscal management, and the attraction of long-term investment. His focus on economic resilience over populist relief may not satisfy those in search of immediate benefits, but it reflects a long-view approach to governance. Efforts to boost investor confidence, revitalise industrial policy, and position Malaysia as a competitive player in sectors such as clean energy and digital technology show a strategic orientation toward sustainability. This is not a politics of spectacle but one of structural reform. In the realm of governance, Anwar has consistently voiced his commitment to transparency and institutional integrity. His administration has initiated steps to reform procurement practices, enhance oversight mechanisms, and restore public confidence in bodies such as the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission. These moves are incremental rather than revolutionary, but they matter. Reforming institutions is a gradual process, especially in a system where administrative norms and political culture have long been resistant to change. An often-overlooked dimension of Anwar's leadership is his civilisational idealism. This is most clearly articulated in his Malaysia Madani framework, which emphasises a values-based model of governance rooted in compassion, intellectualism, and inclusivity. For Anwar, Islam is not a political instrument but a moral compass for nation-building in a plural society. This vision reflects his long-standing belief that Malaysia can offer a model for coexistence between tradition and modernity, faith and reason, and majority and minority. However, this idealism is not without domestic friction. Some conservative quarters view Malaysia Madani with suspicion, fearing that it undermines traditional Islamic norms or dilutes Malay-Muslim identity. These anxieties are real and politically consequential. They reflect deeper tensions within Malaysian society about the role of religion in public life, and they serve as a reminder that visionary leadership often provokes resistance precisely because it seeks to move society forward. Anwar's idealism also extends beyond Malaysia's borders. At a media briefing in December 2024, he reaffirmed his belief in the need for global civilisational dialogue. His engagement with China's Global Civilisation Initiative, for instance, offers a diplomatic platform to promote peaceful coexistence between cultures and nations. This international orientation echoes themes from his seminal 1996 work, The Asian Renaissance, where he called for a revival of Asian values rooted in justice, dignity, and mutual respect. Yet, as with his domestic agenda, Anwar's civilisational outlook faces daunting challenges. Ongoing global conflicts, such as the war in Gaza, expose the limits of dialogue in a world still shaped by hard power, nationalism, and deep-rooted mistrust. The vision of cross-civilisational understanding remains distant and perhaps utopian in many corners of the world. Nevertheless, Anwar's persistence in championing engagement over isolation demonstrates a political ethos grounded in moral conviction rather than expediency. His message is clear: the path to peace and justice lies not in retreat but in sustained and difficult dialogue. To judge Anwar Ibrahim solely by the pace of his reforms would be to misread the broader narrative of his leadership. His political journey has never been linear, and his current role demands more than mere rhetoric. It requires statecraft. The balancing act he performs each day involves navigating competing domestic interests, managing global relationships, stabilising a fragile economy, and advancing a reform agenda in a resistant system. This is no small task, and it is one that few leaders are equipped to handle with both patience and principle. Malaysia does not need a leader who promises miracles. It needs a leader who understands the constraints of the moment and works within them to build the foundations of long-term progress. Anwar Ibrahim may not deliver instant change, but his leadership is shaped by a belief that democracy, justice, and coexistence are not abstract ideals. They are objectives that must be pursued with persistence, humility, and realism. In an era dominated by populism and political performance, perhaps the true measure of reform is not how loudly it is declared but how steadily it is pursued. Anwar's legacy will ultimately rest not on how much he promises but on how much he builds that endures. * Muhamamd Makmun Rasyid is a founder of the Centre for Indonesian Crisis Strategic Resolution (CICSR) ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
