
Time Management Strategies: Use the 4Ds to Save Time
Time, late and a black man on a phone call at work prioritizing tasks
Time is our most valuable resource, yet many professionals still struggle to manage it effectively. With an overwhelming number of tasks competing for attention, it's easy to fall into the trap of working longer hours, sacrificing well-being, or constantly playing catch-up. That's why it's essential to adopt proven time management strategies—and one of the most effective is the 4Ds method. This approach helps you focus on what truly matters, so you can save up to 75% of your time while reducing stress.
The secret is in prioritization—and in understanding how your brain works. According to the Zeigarnik Effect, a psychological principle discovered by Soviet psychologist Bluma Zeigarnik, our minds tend to remember unfinished tasks better than completed ones. These lingering to-dos consume mental energy, distract our focus, and elevate stress. Think about how often you get sidetracked by that email you didn't reply to, the laundry you didn't fold, or that one unchecked item on your list.
While crossing tasks off your list can give you a sense of closure and relief, what I've found most impactful is this: we don't need to finish everything to feel accomplished—we just need to finish the one thing we were worried about when we woke up. That's the task that holds the most mental weight. That's the one that should come first.
Instead of trying to do it all, this time management strategy helps you cut through the noise. It allows you to focus on what truly matters, eliminate what doesn't, and ultimately get more done—with less stress.
The 4Ds helps you decide which tasks to focus on, delegate, defer, or delete. By categorizing your tasks into four clear categories, you can eliminate unnecessary work and focus your energy where it counts. The result? You reduce your 'mental' task load by 75%, freeing up your time for what truly drives success.
Here's how it works:
By applying the 4Ds, you'll significantly reduce the time you spend on low-priority tasks. Instead of tackling 100% of your to-do list, you'll focus only on the 25% of tasks that truly matter. Delegating, deferring, and deleting tasks that don't align with your goals will help you conserve mental and emotional energy, and ultimately make your workday more productive and meaningful.
This approach can lead to:
I explore this method in greater detail in my book Timebox: Time Management Strategies to Balance Productivity and Well-being, where I help professionals apply compassionate time management practices to reduce overwhelm and find flow in their daily work. The 4Ds is one of the core tools I recommend to create clarity and momentum, especially for high achievers who struggle to prioritize. Start by evaluating your daily or weekly tasks and applying the 4Ds to each one. Here are some practical steps to begin:
By applying the 4Ds, you'll stop trying to power through 100% of your tasks and start focusing on the 25% that truly matter. Do you feel lighter already? Imagine the relief of realizing you only need to tackle a quarter of the things you thought you had to do today.The 4Ds method is more than just a time management technique – it's a mindset shift. Instead of doing everything, you start doing only the tasks that truly matter, saving time, energy, and stress. Whether you're a busy professional or a leader trying to streamline your team's workflow, the 4Ds can help you work smarter, not harder.
The 4Ds is one of the simplest yet most impactful time management strategies available. When combined with timeboxing, it helps you stay focused and in control of your day. Start applying the 4Ds today, and you'll not only save up to 75% of your time—you'll also set yourself up for greater success in both your career and personal life.
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The Hill
5 days ago
- The Hill
Instead of nuclear weapons, give Poland a nuclear umbrella
As the Polish electorate picks the country's next president, questions about its nuclear future persist. Russia's nuclear threats and insertion of nuclear arms into Belarus could create the impression that Poland is more exposed. In response, Poland could seek its own nuclear weapons, become a host for NATO weapons or turn to France and the United Kingdom for protection. In March, Prime Minister Donald Tusk said Poland must pursue 'capabilities' related to nuclear weapons, and Andrzej Duda, the current president, has urged that U.S. nuclear arms be based in the country. Poland's seeking to become nuclear armed would upset the West, but the other two options could be viable. For over a decade, President Vladimir Putin has heightened nuclear threats to Europe. In 2014, when Russia first invaded Ukraine, he said he was 'ready' to bring nuclear arms into play. In 2018, Putin displayed on large video screens a simulated nuclear attack on Florida and a 'super torpedo' that could render coastal cities uninhabitable. In 2019, a new Russian ground-launched cruise missile led the U.S. to withdraw from the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty, with the support of NATO allies. In 2023, Russia began moving Iskander missiles into Belarus, and last June, the two states conducted joint nuclear exercises. In November, Putin said he had lowered the threshold for nuclear use. NATO has called Russia's nuclear rhetoric 'dangerous' and said it was considering whether to put more stored missiles on standby. (The U.S. has no nuclear-armed missiles in Europe.) These modest responses could lead the Kremlin to wonder about the strength of the nuclear umbrella over NATO allies. U.S. nuclear bombs in Europe are a visible expression of the umbrella. They are stored in five NATO states: Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Turkey. Under the alliance's 'nuclear sharing' program, the bombs would be delivered by allied aircraft (stealthy F-35s, except F-16s for Turkey). Only the U.S. could authorize nuclear release. Like West Germany in the Cold War, Poland today is the main NATO ally on the Central Front. In the Soviet era, NATO judged that U.S. nuclear-armed forces in West Germany were vital to deterring and defending against potential aggression. Similar logic is relevant to Poland today. Poland and its nuclear-armed allies might choose among three options. It could try to acquire its own nuclear arms. Poland might join NATO's nuclear sharing program as a basing country. And Warsaw might seek nuclear protection from France and the U.K. The West would oppose Poland obtaining its own nuclear weapons. This would violate its obligations as a non-nuclear weapon state under the nuclear nonproliferation treaty. With 191 adherents, it is a centerpiece of the global security order. Thus, the West assisted Belarus, Kazakhstan and Ukraine in eliminating their leftover Soviet strategic arms and associated infrastructure, and the international community has condemned Iran and North Korea's nuclear quests. Polish acquisition of its own nuclear forces could also spur other states in complex security environments to seek nuclear arsenals. This could increase dangers to them, from deficiencies in warning, command and control, or survivable basing, and to neighbors through collateral damage. The second option, becoming a basing country in NATO's nuclear sharing program, has much to recommend it. Most importantly, it could reduce the risks that Russian leaders might misperceive Poland as vulnerable or unprotected. Poland flies F-35s, which could be configured to deliver B-61 bombs. Unrefueled, Poland's F-35s could penetrate deeper into Russia than aircraft from some other allies. Poland has sufficient geographic expanse for a survivable force. Russia's nuclear threats and full-scale war on Ukraine justify NATO's suspending its 1997 assurance of no 'intention, plan, or reason' to place nuclear arms in new member states. At that time, NATO said it and Russia did 'not consider each other adversaries.' The security environment today is far different. A third option has been gaining attention, in part because of uncertainty about the U.S. nuclear umbrella. Duda has voiced a recurring interest in a French nuclear umbrella. The new German Chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has called for nuclear talks with France and the U.K. Past French attempts to develop concerted deterrence with Germany have been challenging. Unlike France, the UK participates in NATO's Nuclear Planning Group and has 'assigned' its nuclear forces to the defense of the alliance. Poland benefits from this. France has a more ambiguous role in Europe's nuclear deterrence. While France has long made clear that its vital interests have a European dimension, Paris is not interested in offering a nuclear sharing program similar to NATO's. Providing nuclear reassurance to Poland could boost financial costs. Perhaps Poland could assist the French nuclear aviation mission, such as with training, refueling, or post-attack recovery. Given these obstacles, some have suggested the creation of a French-U.K. joint venture to reassure Poland. A foundation exists. Since the Chequers Declaration of 1995, France and the U.K. have deepened nuclear cooperation. Poland could decide to pursue both NATO nuclear sharing and protection from France and the U.K. From a military perspective, combined efforts might complicate Russian targeting and be a hedge against political disruptions. William Courtney is an adjunct senior fellow at RAND and professor of policy analysis at the RAND School of Public Policy. In a career in the foreign service, he was deputy U.S. negotiator in U.S.-Soviet Defense and Space talks in Geneva and ambassador in negotiations there to implement the Threshold Test Ban Treaty.


The Hill
5 days ago
- The Hill
Ukraine's war will be won by soldiers, not speeches
In the old days, you turned on the television to get the news. If the antenna was properly connected, a presenter would deliver what the editors wanted you to hear. Things have changed. Today, modern TVs let us switch quickly between bulletins, letting us cross-examine the news. Then there are mobile phones, tablets, laptops and dozens of social networks filled with statements from world leaders, analysts and bloggers. So, do we really understand the true background of political confrontations any better than we did during the Vietnam War or the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan? Are the motives of presidents and prime ministers more transparent? How much can we trust the public words or social media posts of world leaders? They're often contradictory and inconsistent — politicians seem to forget what they said yesterday and rarely consider what they'll say tomorrow. At least, that's how it looks from Ukraine. Just days before Russia's full-scale invasion, Russian President Vladimir Putin denied any plans to attack. In October 2022, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky called negotiations with Russia 'impossible'; by this May, he was waiting in Turkey for peace talks with Putin that never happened. Donald Trump dismissed his campaign promise to end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours as an 'exaggeration' and 'said in jest.' Such behavior from politicians has become the norm. The European Union and United Kingdom issued theatrical warnings of tougher sanctions against Russia but mostly focused their 17th package on targeting 200 vessels from Moscow's so-called 'shadow fleet.' I stopped reading official statements long ago — they lose meaning before reaching the media. But I had hoped personal talks might carry weight. That's why I awaited the Zelenskyy-Putin meeting in Istanbul and the Trump-Putin call. After a while, news broke that Trump had spoken with Putin. What did they talk about? Reuters reported: peace in Ukraine. Period. Trump called the tone 'excellent' and suggested the Pope as host. Putin muttered about a 'possible memorandum' and 'principles' of settlement. No dates, no names, no clauses — just fog. That's when I realized I wouldn't look to leaders' speeches to understand when this war will end. Before and after their talk, the front lines remained unchanged. Ukrainian defenders repel furious Russian attacks, losing lives but holding their spirit. Air raids continue. Russia recently launched its largest drone attack yet: 273 drones in one night. For some time, Kyiv was quiet — a small miracle in the middle of the war. Early in the morning, well-rested and unusually relaxed, I saw a lone soldier hauling backpacks. He looked like he'd been carrying war on his back. I offered to help him, and he accepted. As we loaded his things into the matte, gray-green pickup truck, I asked how things were, and he said simply, 'Bad. Bloody bad. But we'll win.' His certainty stood in stark contrast to the endless political speculation by pundits reacting to Trump, Putin, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz or U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer. Or, should I say, it stays. Analysts discuss in chorus, speculating endlessly — but can anyone see the full picture? Is there space for that soldier's quiet 'we'll win'? Putin's position hasn't changed: He demands Russia's right to Crimea and four Ukrainian regions, insisting Ukraine enshrine annexations constitutionally. No negotiation without that. Washington has no leverage. Zelensky, boxed in by Trump's biased arbitration, must accept capitulation — or not. But even if he wanted to, most Ukrainians would reject such a deal. The nation might let go of Crimea and Donbas, lost earlier, but yielding newly occupied regions is a red line. That's why Trump's negotiations are dead on arrival. Pressuring Zelensky is futile. Trump won't or can't pressure Putin. Trump's threat to cut military aid won't change Ukraine's course. The country won't surrender or collapse; it will bleed more, adding to the 'millions of people dead' Trump claims to mourn. A Ukrainian defeat would devastate Ukraine and deal a fatal blow to Trump's credibility. Speculation that Trump might convince Europe to abandon Zelensky is hollow. Europe, left to fend for itself, stands firm, preparing to turn Ukraine into a fortress — a 'steel hedgehog' that no enemy can digest, as Ursula von der Leyen once said. Neither Britain, France, Germany, nor any major power will step back. The war goes on. America's modest arms deliveries continue; Europe slowly scales up military support. The status quo is locked. Russia lacks the strength to break through; Ukraine can't afford to retreat. Trump cannot abandon either side, not after his loud declarations. This deadlock will hold unless one side gains overwhelming strength. Many analysts say time favors Russia: more manpower, weapons and economy. But Ukrainian soldiers see it differently: 'We'll win.' Why do I believe them, despite logic, exhaustion and despair? Because their conviction echoes the resolve of most Ukrainians, including me. We have no right to capitulate. Too many refuse to live ashamed of losing this war. It began as a fierce defense of our land against brutal aggression. It has become a test of endurance, demanding every last reserve of strength, costing hundreds of thousands of lives. It cannot end in disgrace, surrendered ground and raised hands. That's what Trump and Putin don't understand. They see Zelensky as a stubborn obstacle but don't see the millions behind him ready to fight until the enemy bleeds out. With or without Western support, this disgraceful ending will not happen in Ukraine. Kyiv didn't fall in two weeks in 2022 — not because Putin's tanks got 'stuck in the mud,' as Trump says, but because of Ukrainian strategy and heroism. Peace didn't come in 24 hours, didn't come from Istanbul negotiations and won't come from phone calls between Washington and Moscow. The war won't end because the White House calls it a 'bloodbath' or the Kremlin says 'Russia is for a peaceful settlement.' War's winners and losers are decided on the battlefield. More than three years in, what do we see? Russia, which Trump falsely called '20 times' the size of Ukraine, spends months taking yards of ground, littering the soil with corpses. Yes, numbers matter, but conviction matters more. There was unwavering conviction in that soldier's words. That's why I believe him and not politicians who imagine they hold all the cards. The battlefield is not a gaming table. The real winner will wear military camouflage, sweaty and bloody, with the yellow and blue emblem of Ukraine, existing as long as soldiers believe in victory. Sergey Maidukov is a Ukrainian author with a particular focus on cultural and political dynamics in post-Soviet space.


San Francisco Chronicle
5 days ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Satellite photos show destroyed bombers at a Russian air base that Ukraine said it hit
Satellite photos analyzed by The Associated Press on Wednesday showed seven destroyed bombers on the tarmac at a Russian air base in eastern Siberia, one of the targets Ukraine said it struck with drones in one of the most daring covert operations of the 3-year war. The photos provided by Planet Labs PBC showed aircraft wreckage and scorched areas at the Belaya Air Base, a major installation for Russia's long-range bomber force. In the images, at least three Tu-95 bombers and four Tu-22Ms appeared to be destroyed. The planes were parked on an apron beside a runway surrounded by grassland. Other aircraft at the base appeared unscathed. Ukraine claimed that 41 Russian warplanes, including strategic bombers and other types of combat aircraft, were destroyed or damaged in Sunday's operation, which officials said was planned over 18 months. The attack delivered a heavy blow to Russia's air force and its military prestige. The Russian Defense Ministry said the attack set several warplanes ablaze at air bases in the Irkutsk region and the Murmansk region in the north, but the fires were extinguished. It also said Ukraine also tried to strike two air bases in western Russia, as well as another one in the Amur region of Russia's Far East, but those attacks were repelled. Russia has used the heavy planes in the war to launch waves of cruise missile strikes across Ukraine. For decades, long-range bombers have been part of the Soviet and Russian nuclear triad that also includes land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles and atomic-powered submarines carrying ICBMs. The strategic bombers have flown regular patrols around the globe showcasing Moscow's nuclear might.