
Staying on message and away from ‘knuckleduster politics' pays off at polls for the PAP: Analysis
The ruling party also harvested the fruits of groundwork over the past five years and efforts to assuage voters' concerns on matters such as the cost of living, while tailoring its campaign with constituency-specific plans for different towns.
These decisions helped deliver 65.57 per cent of the vote to Prime Minister Lawrence Wong in his first election as head of government and secretary-general of the PAP, and cemented his leadership of party and country.
The ruling party won 87 out of 97 seats in the next term of Parliament, and improved on 61.24 per cent of the popular vote at the 2020 General Election.
Fronted by PM Wong, the PAP's campaign had a consistent message that was reiterated every day at rallies across the island – from Choa Chu Kang and Sembawang to Punggol and Sengkang – as well as at the lunchtime Fullerton rally and May Day Rally.
This was: that a strong government led by the PAP is necessary to meet the challenges of a changed world, and that going with the team with a proven track record would give the Republic the best chance of continuing to succeed.
PM Wong was reinforced on the key themes by Senior Ministers Lee Hsien Loong and Teo Chee Hean, noted Institute of Policy Studies senior research fellow Gillian Koh.
This included articulating the PAP's thinking on key issues like multiracialism and job creation, as well as tackling the Income-Allianz deal when it was brought up during the hustings, and whether raising the goods and services tax was necessary in an inflationary environment, said Dr Koh.
Left largely unsaid in the Prime Minister's call for Singaporeans to send all of the PAP's ministers – as well as its cohort of 32 newcomers – to Parliament was that the election was about his leadership, and whether Singaporeans approved of the fourth-generation (4G) team's succession.
On this, he capitalised on the goodwill he had generated as the face of the government task force that tackled the Covid-19 pandemic.
That was when PM Wong rose to national prominence, and Singaporeans came to be familiar with his style of communication and leadership – though he was not chosen to be leader of the 4G until 2022.
Singapore Management University law don Eugene Tan said: 'The PAP kept to a disciplined campaign. They were not unduly defensive and also kept their focus on their key campaign messages.'
This election was also notable for how 'gentlemanly' the PAP was in its campaign, noted Associate Professor Tan.
In the pre-2000s, the party at times used hardline tactics against opposition figures, including WP politicians Tang Liang Hong, J.B. Jeyaretnam and Francis Seow, said former PAP MP Inderjit Singh, who retired from politics in 2015.
These included public accusations about their character and beliefs, defamation suits, as well as legislative changes that appeared to target them.
During the 2025 hustings, the PAP did not bring up leaked text messages containing expletives that Andre Low – the WP's candidate in Jalan Kayu SMC – had sent to a group of friends.
There was also no direct mention by the ruling party about the saga surrounding former WP MP Raeesah Khan's lying in Parliament, nor of WP chief Pritam Singh's subsequent conviction for lying to a parliamentary committee in this matter.
It was different during the 2020 election campaign, after some of Khan's old social media posts surfaced and became the subject of police reports.
Even after a public apology by Khan, the PAP had asked the WP to state its stand on her posts and questioned its choice to field her for election.
By keeping to a 'clean' campaign and not reacting defensively to the opposition's volleys, the ruling party came out ahead, said Prof Tan.
'It contested like a ruling party, with an overwhelming majority, rather than as a party under siege,' he said.
In doing so, it exuded 'quiet confidence', helped by the WP's strategy against Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong, he added.
DPM Gan was the subject of WP's criticism across its rallies – including over his move from Chua Chu Kang GRC to Punggol GRC on Nomination Day.
PM Wong responded by expressing disappointment at the WP's attacks, and later said it had been 'cavalier and irresponsible' to Singaporeans to downplay the potential loss of an experienced minister.
Inderjit Singh said hardline tactics attacking one's opponents are not workable in this new era, and that political parties here have to win the hearts and minds of voters to be victorious.
Dr Koh added: 'In GE2025, it was a great relief that we did not see a return to the knuckleduster politics of the early decades of political history.'
The PAP's success this round rested not just on its campaign strategy, but also on its decision to strengthen its groundwork following GE2020.
At the biennial PAP conferences in 2022 and 2024, both SM Lee and PM Wong drove home to the party faithful the need to look after residents and their communities, and to be attuned to their problems and how to improve their lives.
Before the first rally speech was uttered, the PAP had ensured it was going into battle well-prepared, where all policy and groundwork levers had been pulled for this objective.
In Budget 2025, for instance, PM Wong made sure to address the cost of living – one of the central policy issues of the election – while also announcing moves for large families and workers facing job insecurity.
Dr Koh said that by doing so, the PAP had set itself on 'the best footing possible', knowing that 'this would be Lawrence Wong's first campaign and that such maiden elections are always risky'.
She highlighted data from market research company Blackbox that showed growing positive sentiment on core economic, social and political issues ahead of the election.
While concerns about these issues were not perfectly assuaged, the PAP could remind voters of its plans and policy track record, she added.
The PAP did this by stepping up its 'ground game', campaigning on a local level.
Inderjit Singh said: 'I think one of the most significant improvements by the PAP was the ground game not just during the nine days, but the last five years.
'Many incumbents developed goodwill, and this helped win voters.'
He said: 'In places where incumbents had stepped down, they turned up to help new candidates campaign, and their goodwill definitely helped to woo voters.'
As the incumbent in most constituencies, PAP ministers also announced local town plans for better infrastructure and services.
This included, notably, Transport Minister Chee Hong Tat's promise to fight for a hawker centre for his residents in Bishan.
The PAP's presence and attention to the ground – its strength both as the incumbent as well as the dominant ruling party – came amid a return to physical campaigning, after a pause in 2020 due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
After that election, PM Wong – then a minister and member of the party's central executive committee – had told activists that the party had not done so well in the digital arena, and not all of its content connected with netizens.
Prof Tan said that, this round, the party struck the right balance in working the online and physical ground.
'So it did matter that GE2025 was not primarily digital.'
In all, the PAP's vote share shows it managed to win over many middle-ground voters.
Besides maintaining the support of its base – approximately 40 per cent of the electorate – it had to win over at least half of voters not tied to any party, or about 20 per cent to 25 per cent of the electorate, said Prof Tan.
That it managed to do so at this election reflects both the PAP's performance legitimacy, and that it had campaigned fairly and in a gentlemanly manner, he added.
This electoral performance will give PM Wong confidence and a 'free hand' in forming his Cabinet, said Inderjit Singh.
He said: 'It now remains for the PM and the 4G team to consolidate the confidence and trust of Singaporeans and work on improving the lives of Singaporeans in the next five years.' - The Straits Times/ANN
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