There was never a phansi-ghar in Delhi Assembly, it was a tiffin room: Speaker cites House map, targets AAP
Citing a map from 2011 when the Assembly building was constructed, Speaker Vijender Gupta said that the previous Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government under the then chief minister Arvind Kejriwal in 2022 falsely claimed that the premises had a British-era 'phansi-ghar' and then renovated it. It was, in fact, a 'tiffin room' used for carrying food and other items, he said.
Gupta also said that the AAP government's claims about the existence of a tunnel connecting the Assembly to the Red Fort were incorrect.
However, former CM and AAP leader Atishi rebutted, saying that the BJP government was avoiding core issues and wasting the taxpayers' money by discussing such matters in the House.
Addressing the Assembly, Delhi minister Parvesh Sahib Singh said, 'It was Ram Niwas Goel, the then Speaker of Delhi Assembly, who had called it an execution room. But it does not conform to the maps that we have found.'
He accused Kejriwal of spending 'lakhs of rupees' on the structure's renovation and 'distorting history'.
The Minister said that the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has confirmed that it was not a historical site. 'Some official told Kejriwal that a 'phansi-ghar' existed here… he went ahead with the renovation without even consulting ASI or Delhi archives.'
The Speaker too slammed the previous AAP government, saying, 'A plaque has been installed at the spot, bearing the date August 9, 1942. It was inaugurated as a tourist attraction with the claim that a gallows once existed at that spot. However, the truth is that no gallows ever existed there.'
He said that the room was actually a 'tiffin room' and the wooden lift inside it was used for carrying food and other items, but it has been 'incorrectly' described as a 'gallows and trapdoor'.
Saying that it concerns the dignity of this entire institution, Gupta urged the Opposition to clarify its position on the issue. He also demanded an apology from the AAP chief.
In a statement, Atishi attacked the ruling party, 'What is the point of discussion in the Assembly today? Running a session of the Delhi Assembly costs lakhs of rupees every hour. This is the hard-earned money of Delhi's people — of taxpayers — money we earn through
our labour and give to the government.'
'And yet, you won't allow a discussion on jhuggis, on schools, on the shortage of medicines in hospitals, or the worsening law and order situation. Instead, the only thing BJP wants to talk about is a 'hanging room'?' she added.
The treasury and the Opposition benches were involved in the heated exchange when a delegation of British Parliament visited the Assembly on Tuesday.
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First Post
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Why India needs a grand strategy for Mediterranean region amid Trumpian turbulence
By engaging more pragmatically with Mediterranean countries, particularly with the European nations, as well as Russia, India can balance both the US and China read more The Mediterranean region, due to its strategic location as well as its natural resources, is playing an important role in shaping global geopolitics. Some of these factors make this region a space of geopolitical contestation and power rivalry. Looking at the immense geostrategic and geo-economic significance of this region for India, there is a need for a grand Mediterranean strategy. One of the major factors which propel the Mediterranean countries to have better engagement with India is its growing role in global geopolitics and its status as the fourth-largest economy in the world, as well as the emerging market. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD On his way to attend the G7 Summit in Canada, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made a brief stopover at Nicosia, the capital city of Cyprus, on June 15. Similarly, on his return visit from Canada after attending the G7 Summit, the Prime Minister visited Croatia, which is also a Mediterranean country. The visit to Cyprus and Croatia by the Indian Prime Minister, though for a shorter period of time, generated much speculation about India's approach to Mediterranean geopolitics, which over the years has been the hotspot of global geopolitics. British geopolitical thinker Halford J Mackinder termed this geopolitical space as 'the heartland'. It is in this context that there is a need to examine the reason for a proactive foreign policy of India towards the Mediterranean region. Along with Greece, Cyprus, Israel, France, Italy, Croatia, Slovakia, Egypt, etc., which are the major players of the region. Even with Libya and Syria, India has more pragmatic engagement. The Mediterranean region as a priority in India's foreign policy calculus can be studied in the context of geopolitical challenges as well as opportunities this region provides. This calls for a greater proactive engagement by India. To understand the importance of the same, there is a need to understand the geographical importance of this region located in the vicinity of the Mediterranean Sea. Geographical Importance The importance of the Mediterranean Region can be gauged from its strategic location, as a connecting point between Asia, Europe, North Africa, its vast mineral resources, as well as its vast strategic coastline, and geo-cultural mosaic, which provides a complex identity to the region. The strategic significance of Mediterranean geopolitics can also be studied in the context of strategic developments that took place in this region over the historical past, which makes this region a vital zone for global geopolitics. The same has also impacted global geopolitics in manifold ways. Giving a historical analogy to the significance of the Mediterranean Sea in global geopolitics, Halford J Mackinder, in his book, Democratic Ideals and Reality: A Study in the Politics of Reconstruction, highlights how the Roman Empire became a great power by controlling the Mediterranean Sea. As Mackinder argues, by controlling the strategically significant sea region, 'Rome… advanced into the Heartland, if that term be understood, in a large, a strategical sense, as including Asia Minor and the Balkan Peninsula'. He further argues that the Mediterranean Sea was the focal point of competition between France and England to control the Sea to acquire the status of a European power. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Similarly, the US Naval Strategist Alferd Mahan in his path-breaking work The Influence of Sea Power Upon History has highlighted the significance of the Sea in the global geopolitics. As Mahan underlined the importance of the Sea by stressing that: 'Circumstances have caused the Mediterranean Sea to play a greater part in the history of the world, both in a commercial and a military point of view, than any other sheet of water of the same size. Nation after nation has striven to control it, and the strife still goes on'. In this book, he suggested that the US policymakers control the Mediterranean Sea, which will give a geopolitical preponderance to it in the forthcoming years. In this regard, Mahan gave an example of France, how it became a major power in European geopolitics by controlling the Mediterranean Sea. The American geostrategist Mahan further stresses Russia's move in this Sea. 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Not only does this Sea connect as the major bridge for global trade, but also for the transportation of energy. For instance, a major chunk of Russian energy is exported to the international market through the Mediterranean Sea. Studies also suggest that this region is rich in oil and gas resources. Discoveries of new gas fields, particularly in Israel, Cyprus and Egypt and also in the Eastern Mediterranean Gas field, were made way back in 2010. The exploration of rich energy, as well as its strategic location as a key route for the transportation of energy, has also heightened the importance of the region. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It has been observed that the Northern Mediterranean countries, which consist mostly of European countries, are heavily dependent upon renewable energy, consisting of around 43.2 per cent as per the study titled 'Here's how and why the Mediterranean could lead in the global clean energy revolution'. 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The economic meltdown in the European Mediterranean countries. Turkey's role in posing a threat to the Mediterranean countries is creating new security challenges to the security complex of this region. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The geopolitical turmoil which affects the region in a broader context contributed to a new version of the 'Great Game' in the Mediterranean region, where power interplay among the external powers like China, the United States and Russia becomes more incessant. As one can see in the context of Syria, all three powers are trying to influence the geopolitical landscape in the post-Assad regime. While the US is a traditional player in this part of the world, and Russia, which is the legal successor of the former Soviet Union, has tried to offset the geopolitical balance in its favour. Russian geopolitical analysts have long considered the region as its traditional sphere of influence. In fact, Russia, being the key actor of the Black Sea, requires the Mediterranean Sea as a major outlet to export its agricultural products, oil and gas and other important export commodities to North Africa, Europe and the West Asian market. It is a fact that Russia has a naval base at Tartus in Syria on the Syrian coast of the Eastern Mediterranean. Though Russia has lost its sphere of influence to some extent after the ouster of the Assad regime in Syria, it is gaining a new footprint in Israel in recent months. This is largely due to the changing policy posture of the Putin Administration towards Israel. This will also give a greater impetus to Russia's engagement with the region. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Similarly, the energy volatility in the European Mediterranean countries, especially after the onset of the Russia-Ukraine war, can push many of these Nato European countries to mend fences with Russia for securing cheap energy. It is a fact that the US energy prices are at a higher level, which will put European countries at a higher risk. As both the US and EU reached a trade agreement under which the former will impose a 15 per cent tariff on the latter's product on the condition that the EU will provide US energy to the tune of 750 billion US dollars. Though it appears to be a fairer trade bargaining, the moot point is whether the EU countries will be hostage to the coercive trade practices of the US. Thus, they are looking towards Russia being the traditional energy supplier to maintain energy equilibrium. Hence, one can see a major role for Russia in this part of the world in the near future. Similarly, the growing threat being posed by Turkey not only to European Mediterranean countries like Greece and Cyprus, but also its role as a mischievous player in the West Asian part of the Mediterranean region under Erdogan, poses a challenge to the regional security of the Mediterranean region. On the other hand, China is trying to offset the geopolitical balance in this part of the world and bring this entire region under its ambitious and imperial Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Though the operationalisation of the IMEC corridor will put a hold on Chinese expansionist tendencies in this part of the world. For instance, Italy, which is a key country in the Mediterranean, has soured its relations with China. So is the case with Israel, which took a U-turn in its relations with China because of Beijing's relations with the Palestinian-based Hamas. As studies suggest, there is a social uprising against China in many of the Mediterranean countries of West Asia and North Africa for its role in resource exploitation. All these developments put China on the back foot. Looking at the geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance of the region, it is imperative to mention here that India has a significant role to play in the Mediterranean region. India's Strategic Interest India has a deeper interest in the geopolitical developments which are occurring in this part of the world. Hence, security and stability in this strategically significant region are one of the primary concerns of India. A robust policy towards the Mediterranean region was unveiled at the sidelines of the Delhi G20 Summit, which took place in September 2023, when the IMEC Corridor was initiated. There are three important considerations why India attaches so much importance to the Mediterranean. Over the years, it has been observed that the geopolitical stability in the broader Mediterranean, both the West Asia North Africa (WANA) region and the European part, is considered critical to India's national interest. The same can be witnessed if one looks at the Houthi crisis in the Red Sea. This crisis is affecting India's energy security needs as India brings the bulk of its energy through the Suez Canal, which links India to the Mediterranean Sea. Thus, stability in the Red Sea and Suez Canal corridor is considered to be critical to India's strategic energy interests. Another important dimension that needs to be highlighted is that Egypt, because of its strategic location on the Mediterranean Coast, is an entrepôt to North Africa, West Asia and Europe. Thus, the beefing up of India's relations with Egypt over the years provided an opportunity for robust strategic engagement between the two countries. The visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Egypt in June 2023 resulted in enhancing strategic cooperation between India and Egypt. By engaging with Egypt what India achieved a greater strategic preponderance in the Mediterranean geopolitics. What is interesting to note here is that India is pursuing a coherent foreign policy without involving itself too much in the internal dynamics of Mediterranean geopolitics. For instance, India has good relations with Israel and Egypt. It is a fact that Israel has emerged as a trusted strategic partner for India in Mediterranean geopolitics. The initiation of the IMEC project, as discussed above, makes Israel a critical partner for India in strategising Mediterranean diplomacy. The Israeli port of Haifa, which is under the control of the Indian conglomerate Adani Group, is directly linked to the Mediterranean Sea coast. This gives India a tactical advantage both in a geopolitical and geo-economic sense in shaping Mediterranean diplomacy. It is also a fact that the bilateral relations between India and Israel stood at 10.77 billion dollars in the year 2022-23 (minus defence cooperation) as per the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of India. One may recall here that over the years, India and Israel, both at the bilateral and multilateral levels, have had a convergence of interests on many issues. The same can be manifested when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in June 2025, when India conducted Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. Earlier, Israel fully supported India's Operation Sindoor by stating that 'Israel supports India's right to self-defence'. Despite the political transition in Libya after 2011, India maintained good contact with Libya's National Transitional Council. One noteworthy aspect of India's engagement with Libya is in the economic sphere. Major Indian companies like OVL, Punj Lloyd, BHEL, along with the IT sector, etc, are actively engaged in Libya. Because of its strategic location on the Mediterranean coast as well as in WANA, Libya is going to play an important role in the geopolitical landscape of global geopolitics. In this context, one can see a more proactive engagement of India in this part of the world. Coming to the European part of the Mediterranean, India has, over the years, beefed up its presence in this part of the world. This move of New Delhi has both geopolitical as well as geo-economic connotations aimed at building a new kind of strategic partnership. The above strategic analysis provides an opportunity to understand the complex geopolitical developments which are confronting the strategically located region, which shapes the future of global geopolitics. The above analysis also helps India to locate its geopolitical engagement with this part of the world. Some of these structural developments are also shaping India's engagement with this part of the world. Though it is a fact that India's long-standing relations with the Mediterranean countries can also be factored into shaping relations. For instance, the relationship between India and France has undergone a sharp transformation in recent years. Cooperation in the field of Science and technology, climate change, sustainable growth, renewable energy, defence, as well as trade and a shared perception on some of the global issues are factors that bring relations between the two countries. It may be underlined here that France, in recent years, has taken a keen interest in Indo-Pacific geopolitics. In this regard, France seeks India's cooperation. The visit of Prime Minister Modi to France on February 10-12, 2025, gave a new vista to India-France relations. During the visit of Prime Minister Modi to France in February, a Joint Statement was signed between the two countries. The Joint Statement appreciated the 'launch of the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC) on the margins of the G20 Summit in Delhi in September 2023 and agreed to work together more closely on implementing the initiative. …In this regard, they acknowledged the strategic location of Marseille in the Mediterranean Sea'. The trade relations have also been substantially increased between India and France over the years, and as per the Ministry of External Affairs, Govt of India report in 2023-24, the trade volume reached 15.11 billion US dollars. Italy, which occupies a vantage point in the Mediterranean Sea Coast, acts as a bridge with European, North African and West Asian Mediterranean, and has strong relations with India. Along with bilateral relations, Italy is part of major Indian renewable energy initiatives like the International Solar Alliance, Global Bio-Fuel Alliance, Indo-Pacific Ocean Initiatives, and the IMEC corridor. This reflects the convergence of interests on the issue of mutual interests. Similarly, Italy is also a major trading partner of India, with a trade volume of 14. 74 billion Euro in 2023- 24 as per the MEA, Government of India report. Along with the IMEC corridor, both countries have also agreed to develop cooperation in the field of technology, defence, renewable energy, etc. Similarly, another important Mediterranean country on the European continent is Spain, with which India has a strong relationship. The most interesting aspect of India's relations with European Mediterranean countries is with Cyprus and Greece. The relationship between Cyprus and Greece has assumed importance in recent years. This is because another Mediterranean country, Turkey, has posed a strong security challenge to India in recent years. In fact, a new form of unholy nexus is emerging among Turkey, Azerbaijan and Pakistan. The same was more glaringly evident when Turkey provided overt and covert support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. This includes supplying drones and other sophisticated weapons to Pakistan by Turkey. These Turkic weapons were being used by Pakistan in May-June 2025 against India. Even in recent years, especially after the Bangladesh coup in August 2024, Turkey has been providing arms and ammunition to the Yunus Government. Reports suggest that Turkey, with the active connivance of Pakistan, is augmenting its presence in Nepal with sinister motives against India. This move by Turkey is driven by its desire to step up its presence in South Asia. Thus, Turkey's move in South Asia is posing a strong threat to India's security. It is in this context; there is a need to re-examine and augment India's presence in the Mediterranean region to checkmate and encircle Turkey. In this context, India's presence in Cyprus as well as in Greece assumes vital importance and has strong geopolitical connotations. India's policy posture towards both Greece and Cyprus can be evident from the fact that, under Prime Minister Modi, New Delhi is pursuing a more assertive and pragmatic policy. The same can be evident from Prime Minister Modi's visit to Cyprus in June 2025. It may be argued that India consistently supported Cyprus's unity and integration. It is a fact that Cyprus occupies an important position in the Eastern Mediterranean region and constantly faces a threat from Turkey. In this context, one can see India and Cyprus' strategic cooperation. One may add here that Cyprus is strategically located and emerging as a major energy connectivity hub. Apart from this, the IMEC corridor also passes through Cyprus. Looking at the strategic significance of Cyprus, it can be stated that India also has a vital stake in Cyprus. The visit of Prime Minister Modi in June 2025 has also augmented India-Cyprus relations to a great extent. The Joint Statement issued after the end of the visit of Prime Minister Modi to Cyprus highlighted 'Unequivocally condemned terrorism and violent extremism in all its forms and manifestations, including international and cross-border terrorism, and reaffirmed their shared commitment to countering hybrid threats that undermine peace and stability'. At the economic front, both countries underlined 'Viewing IMEC as a catalyst for constructive regional cooperation, they reiterated their shared commitment to promoting stability in the Eastern Mediterranean and the wider Middle East and emphasized the importance of fostering deeper engagement and corridors of interconnection from the Indian peninsula through the wider Middle East to Europe'. Over the years, Cyprus has consistently supported India's counter-terrorism measures. Along with this, Cyprus also supported India's position on Kashmir at various forums, including at the United Nations (UN). Cyprus also supported India's Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. Over the years, Cyprus has also shown keenness to purchase India's defence equipment. Along with defence, technological cooperation, sustainable development, blue economy, etc, are some of the key aspects which were discussed during Prime Minister Modi's visit to Cyprus in June 2025. One major issue that gained prominence in recent years was the further institutionalisation of economic cooperation among India, Cyprus and Greece. The formation of the India–Greece–Cyprus (IGC) Business and Investment Council can be stated as the first step in the direction of trilateral relations between the three countries. Along with Cyprus, India has also strengthened its relations with Greece in recent years and turned into a 'Strategic Partnership' in August 2023. The visit of Prime Minister Modi to Greece in August 2023, followed by Prime Minister of Greece Kyriakos Mitsotakis's return visit to India in February 2024, adds a new milestone in the bilateral relations between the two countries. It may be noted that India shares both historical and civilizational relations with Greece. In this context, one can see how both countries can benefit from each other's cooperation. Like Cyprus, Greece also occupies a vantage point on the Mediterranean Coast. Hence, it can act as a 'gateway' to reach out to the European as well as the Mediterranean countries. This adds much weight to India's geopolitical and geo-economic engagement with this part of the world. It is also a fact that, like Cyprus, Greece also supports India at the various international forums, including at the UN. Greece also supported India when India conducted Operation Sindoor against Pakistan. At the same time, India and Greece have also conducted Joint Naval as well as Air defence exercises in 2024, known as 'Tarang-2024' exercises in September. 2024. The strengthening of cultural relations as well as economic relations will add much substance to the strategic cooperation between India and Greece. Similarly, Turkey is also posing a substantial security threat to Greece. Territorial and maritime zone dispute, especially in the Aegean Sea, is one of the thorniest issues between the two countries. There are a number of reports which suggest that over the years, the radical Islamist regime of Turkey under Erdogan has been mulling hostile moves, including military aggression against Greece, to take over the Greek territories. This is happening despite the fact that both countries of the Mediterranean are part of Nato. It is in this context; one can envisage stronger military coordination between India and Greece in the Mediterranean region to checkmate the challenge being posed by Turkey. Greece is also seeking an interest in the Indo-Pacific corridor, in which it seeks India's cooperation. It is a fact that Greece is emerging as a reliable strategic partner of India in the Mediterranean region. Similarly, the formation of the India-Cyprus-Greece trilateral economic grouping can be translated into a regional security grouping with the inclusion of Armenia (a Caucasus country) and Israel in the long run. This will add much substance to the Mediterranean regional security complex. A report being published by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) titled India and Mediterranean Nations: Crossroads of Commerce, published in September 2024, vividly outlines India's economic engagement in this part of the world. The report outlines how India, being one of the largest economies in the world, has a positive role to play in the economic dynamics of the world. As the above report of CII suggests, India's trading with Mediterranean countries is to the tune of $76.2 billion, which is to the extent of 6.8 per cent of its total trade. The report further underlined that the European Mediterranean countries constitute the largest trading partner of India, with a trading volume of $55.9 billion. The report has also further highlighted India's trade engagement with the West Asian and North African parts of the Mediterranean region. The report further highlights the new areas of cooperation, like circular economy, blue economy, digital payment, green hydrogen, joint cooperation in defence manufacturing, etc, are some of the areas of cooperation. Thus, looking at both the strategic developments of the Mediterranean region as well as India's geopolitical and geo-economic engagement with this region, one can add here that this region provides challenges as well as opportunities. While at the geo-economic front, this region offers market as well as strategic connectivity along with resources, but on the other hand, Turkey is posing a strong threat to India's security. Hence, there is a need for Indian policy makers to tread a cohesive as well as pragmatic policy towards this strategic region. As discussed earlier, the structural geopolitical factors like the US and EU engagement, Russia and EU relations, along with the nature of volatility in the trade relations among these countries, are likely to shape India's Mediterranean policy. Along with these external factors, both geopolitical logic and geo-economic dynamics are shaping India-Mediterranean relations. Looking at some of the above developments, the following inferences can be drawn from the above analysis. These are: The geopolitical complexity of the Mediterranean region is partly accentuated by its strategic location, resources, as well as the role of external actors. The new geopolitical reconfiguration is associated largely with the role of external powers like the US, Russia, and China, which are shaping the strategic dynamics of the region. India has deep-rooted historical, geo-strategic and geo-economic linkages that actually provide the foundation for building a cohesive, resilient and pragmatic policy towards the Mediterranean region. In recent years, Indian foreign policy has looked towards the region in a more realist sense. The same can be evident from New Delhi's move to beef up its presence in the region through the IMEC corridor as well as through maritime connectivity. There is a need to augment India's naval presence on the Mediterranean coast. This will give New Delhi a strategic manoeuvrability in influencing the geopolitical development of the region. India and Mediterranean countries can foster cooperation in the fields of science, technology, defence, agriculture, climate change, renewable energy, health, and trade. Conclusion The Mediterranean region is in a state of geopolitical flux, largely due to its strategic location as well as geo-economic significance as a major connectivity corridor in global geopolitics. It is in this context that India should take full advantage of the complex geopolitical situation of the Mediterranean region by forging a closer partnership with Israel, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, and the European Mediterranean countries. Trade, resources, culture, technology, and connectivity are some of the key areas of cooperation between India and the Mediterranean countries. It is a fact that the IMEC corridor is in a state of geopolitical impasse largely due to the onset of conflict in West Asia and the North African region, as well as in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Similarly, the trade and tariff impasse between India and the US, though, may slow down the implementation of the project, but one can envisage that once the issue is resolved, then IMEC may revitalise itself. Similarly, India can use Greece and Cyprus as a stepping up base for encircling Turkey. It is a fact that over the years, Turkey and Pakistan have been hobnobbing with each other along with Azerbaijan, which is impacting India's national security. Thus, India can also form a new trilateral cooperation along with Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Armenia, in forming a new strategic alliance in the Mediterranean sub-region. This will give a new strategic dimension to India's Mediterranean policy. The trilateral economic cooperation involving India, Cyprus and Greece is already operational and may provide further impetus to the Mediterranean sub-regional economic cooperation To sum up, India needs a robust foreign policy towards the Mediterranean region. By engaging more pragmatically with Mediterranean countries, particularly with the European countries, as well as Russia, India can balance both the US and China. The author teaches at the School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
British F-35B fighter jet makes emergency landing in Japan, several flights delayed
Almost a month after Royal Navy F-35 fighter jet flew back from Thiruvananthapuram airport in Kerala to return home, another British F-35 stealth fighter jet made an emergency landing Sunday at Kagoshima airport in southwestern Japan due to a malfunction, reported Kyodo News. The report added that following the emergency landing of the British F-35 stealth fighter jet, several departures and arrivals of commercial flights at the airport were affected. Also, the runway was closed for around 20 minutes at around 1:30 am (local time). No injuries were reported in the incident. The report mentioned that from 4 August, British forces have been conducting a joint drill with Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force and US forces. On 14 June, a Royal Navy F-35 fighter jet was diverted at the Thiruvananthapuram airport in Kerala due to a midair emergency and subsequently developed serious engineering issues. The F-35 fighter jet was diverted from the Royal Navy aircraft carrier HMS Prince of Wales due to bad weather and low fuel. It reported a hydraulic failure. British engineers arrived at the Thiruvananthapuram airport to fix the fault, which included landing gear, brakes and control surfaces issues. Its prolonged stay sparked a flood of memes on social media and it was grounded for weeks. Built by Lockheed Martin, the F-35B is considered as one of the most advanced and expensive fighter jets in the world. It costs over $115 million each and designed for short take-offs and vertical landings. Another report by Reuters said that Spain is no longer considering the option of buying U.S.-made F-35 fighter jets. It is choosing between European-made Eurofighter and the so-called Future Combat Air System (FCAS), Reuters quoted a defence ministry spokesperson said on Wednesday. The spokesperson confirmed an earlier report by El Pais newspaper which said that the government had shelved plans to buy the F-35, which is manufactured by U.S. aerospace giant Lockheed Martin. The report added that though the Spanish government earmarked 6.25 billion euros ($7.24 billion) in its 2023 budget to buy new fighter jets, but now plan to spend most of the additional 10.5 billion euros for defence this year in Europe made it impossible to acquire the U.S.-made fighter jets.
