Seventh death anniversary of Vajpayee: PM Modi leads nation in paying tributes
Mr. Modi said on X, "Remembering Atal Ji on his Punya Tithi. His dedication and spirit of service towards the all-round progress of India continue to inspire everyone in building a developed and self-reliant India."
Remembering Atal Ji on his Punya Tithi. His dedication and spirit of service towards the all-round progress of India continue to inspire everyone in building a developed and self-reliant India. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) August 16, 2025
Mr. Modi and several other dignitaries, including President Droupadi Murmu, Union Ministers and Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla, later visited his memorial 'Sadaiv Atal' here to pay tributes to the BJP stalwart.
A poet and statesman, Vajpayee was Prime Minister for over six years between 1998 and 2004 and is credited with pushing economic reforms that paved the way for a period of high growth.
Nation will always remember his tremendous contribution, says Rajnath
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh paid tribute to former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee on his death anniversary.
Mr. Singh remembered his lifelong efforts to build a strong and prosperous India and also added that the nation will always remember his tremendous contribution.
I pay homage to Atalji on his punyatithi. He worked all his life with the resolve of building a strong and prosperous India. The nation will always remember his tremendous contribution. — Rajnath Singh (@rajnathsingh) August 16, 2025
In a post on X, Mr. Singh wrote, 'I pay homage to Atalji on his punya tithi. He worked all his life with the resolve of building a strong and prosperous India. The nation will always remember his tremendous contribution.'
Union Ministers J.P. Nadda, Kiren Rijiju and Gajendra Singh Shekhawat, along with JD(U) MP Sanjay Jha and Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta, gathered at 'Sadaiv Atal', the memorial of former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to pay their respects on his death anniversary.
Atal Bihari Vajpayee was born on December 25, 1924, in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, and was elected three times as the nation's Prime Minister.
Vajpayee was the face of the BJP for decades and was the first non-Congress Prime Minister to have served a full term in office.
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Scroll.in
28 minutes ago
- Scroll.in
How Jinnah survived an assassination attempt in Bombay
On a July day in 1943, Muhammad Ali Jinnah entered his secretary's room in his Malabar Hill bungalow to find a young man speaking with the secretary. The man was desperate for a meeting with the Muslim League leader. He hoped that if he could just speak to Jinnah, he might convince him to reach a compromise with the Congress and Mahatma Gandhi on the issue of India's partition. But instead of dialogue, there was violence. Aggravated by Jinnah's refusal to meet, the young man pulled a knife from his pocket and attempted to stab him in the throat. Jinnah managed to deflect the blade – just barely. He suffered a small puncture wound on his jaw and a gash across the back of his hand. His assailant, Rafiq Sabir Mozangvi, was quickly overpowered by the household staff and arrested by the Bombay Police. But one question lingered: who was this man, and had he travelled halfway across India to attack the leader of the Muslim League? Travels from Lahore The story begins weeks earlier in Lahore, when Mozangvi boarded a train to Delhi, driven by a burning political grievance. Although only 32, Mozangvi had lived many lives – working as an electrician, committing petty crime, serving short stints in prison, and shifting allegiances among the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League and the Ahrar Party. Eventually, he aligned with the Khaksar movement, a paramilitary group led by political theorist and Islamic scholar Allama Inayatullah Khan Mashriqi, who opposed the creation of Pakistan and believed Muslims could prosper in a united India. 'I decided to stay at Delhi for a day as I thought Mr. Jinnah might pass through there, but on making enquiries I was told that Mr. Jinnah was probably already in Bombay,' Mozaangvi told the Bombay Police in a statement. From Delhi, he took a train to Cawnpore, spending a few hours there, and then hopping on another train to Mughal Sarai. 'As I travelled all the way without a ticket, I found it necessary frequently to alight from the train and catch another train,' Mozaangvi said, 'and I eventually reached Bombay V.T. Station at sometime near 8 pm last night having travelled via Gwalior, Busaval, Bhopal, etc.' He wandered the bazaars at night, slept on the footpath, and bathed in a mosque – though he could not say exactly where, claiming his mind was 'obsessed with the object' of meeting Jinnah and discussing the 'political policy of the Muslim League'. He asked around for directions to Jinnah's house and was given a receipt by a Muslim League member bearing the printed address of Jinnah's bungalow on Mount Pleasant Road. Angry confrontation At the gates of the bungalow, Mozangvi told the security guard, a 'Pathan with a long moustache', that he wished to see Jinnah. He was escorted to Jinnah's secretary, AI Syed, who asked him to put his request in writing. As they spoke, Jinnah himself walked in and asked what the visitor wanted. From this point, accounts diverge. According to John Colville, the Commissioner of Police for Bombay, Mozangvi told 'Mr. Jinnah that he wanted to have an interview with him regarding the solution of the present political deadlock in the country and Mr. Jinnah's refusal to see Mr. Gandhi. Mr. Jinnah told him that he was very busy and had no time, and that Rafiq Sabir could make an appointment with his Secretary and could see him in a day or two.' This apparently enraged Mozangvi, who first punched Jinnah in the jaw and then tried to stab him. 'Mr. Jinnah warded off the blow and caught hold of the assailant's right hand with his left hand and in doing so sustained an incised wound on the back of his left hand one and half inches long skin deep,' Colville wrote in a letter to the Home Secretary. 'He also sustained a small punctured wound on the angle of the left jaw.' Jinnah's servants managed to subdue Mozangvi and summoned the police, who arrived promptly and arrested him. Mozangvi offered his own version of events. He claimed that when Jinnah entered the secretary's office, he pointed at him and said something in English. 'I stood up and saluted and explained to Mr. Jinnah that I had travelled a long way to see him and asked him to hear me,' Mozangvi said. 'Mr. Jinnah abruptly refused and pointed towards the door saying in English 'get out' or 'walk out.' I do not remember which expression he had used, but the purport of his words was that I should leave the place. I understand enough of the English language to know what was being said.' Mozangvi said he refused to leave and repeated his request for an interview. At that, Jinnah 'flew into a rage' and abused him, calling him a 'dog' and 'zalil (despicable)'. He claimed that Jinnah's servants tried to push him out of the room and struck him. 'I also used my fists in retaliation,' he said. 'Mr. Jinnah was standing nearby. During the struggle, I remembered a clasp knife that I had in my pocket and took it out in self-defence. I cannot say how Mr. Jinnah was injured.' During interrogation, Mozangvi insisted that his only purpose in meeting Jinnah was to urge him to speak with Gandhi. 'I have no real grudge against the Muslim League or against Mr. Jinnah personally, beyond my disapproval of certain points of policy followed by them.' He added that he believed Jinnah lacked sincerity in seeking a constructive dialogue with Gandhi. 'I disapprove of Mr. Jinnah's attitude in this matter and consider he is doing a disservice to Muhammedans and to India in general. On giving the matter considerable thought I came to the conclusion that Mr. Jinnah's true policy is one of self-aggrandisement and that he has no real desire to do anything towards ending the political deadlock in the country for the mutual benefit of all Indians.' Panic in Bombay The police report noted that Jinnah's injuries were not serious and were treated by Dr Massina on Pedder Road. Soon after, Jinnah addressed the press about the attack. 'Although it was a serious and well-planned attack, no serious injuries were inflicted on me,' he told Reuters. 'I do not want to say anything just now but I appeal to Muslims to remain calm and cool, and let us all thank Providence for this miraculous escape.' The news of the attempted assassination spread through Muslim neighborhoods in Bombay. Some shopkeepers shuttered their stores until Muslim League workers assured them there was no need to panic. 'All the newspapers, including the extreme Congress press, had condemned the attempt and congratulated Jinnah on his escape,' the Intelligence Bureau wrote in a confidential report. The Bombay Police contacted their counterparts in Lahore and requested that an officer be sent to interrogate Mozangvi to determine whether a broader conspiracy was at play, as the Muslim League alleged. 'I saw Mr. Jinnah shortly after the incident and in the course of conversation I questioned him as to whether in his opinion the action of the assailant was that of one man instigated by an idea which he developed in his own mind or whether it was an idea planted by someone else,' Commissioner Colvile wrote in a letter to the director of the Intelligence Bureau. 'Mr. Jinnah's opinion was that the idea had been planted there by Allama [Inayatullah Khan] Mashriqi, the Khaksar leader.' When Colville expressed his doubts, Jinnah replied that Mashriqi 'was a very indiscreet gentleman and also extremely pig-headed and obstinate'. The commissioner offered an alternative explanation. 'I suggested that a leader might convey to several of his trusted followers that Mr. Jinnah was an obstacle to Self-Government, and that if he were removed, their goal might be within reach. This small group might then have incited the assailant to commit this dastardly act,' Colville wrote. 'Mr. Jinnah doubted this and said that in his opinion Allama Mashriqi was so indiscreet and individualistic that it was not at all unlikely that he personally would have expressed such views to the assailant – and that the assailant, having absorbed the idea, decided to act on it.' The Criminal Investigation Department had a file on Mozangvi, revealing that he had lived in various parts of India, including Aligarh, where he ran a tea shop, and Calcutta, where he was wanted for theft in May 1943. He remained untraceable after the theft until he resurfaced in Bombay two months later. The file also revealed that Mozangvi had embezzled Khaksar funds in Cawnpore. The police found no direct evidence linking the assassination attempt to Mashriqi. Threat to life In November 1943, Mozangvi was sentenced to five years' imprisonment by the Bombay High Court. The court found no links between the attack and the Khaksar movement. Police records from 1943 reveal that there was another plot by members of the Khaksar movement to assassinate Jinnah that year. 'It was reported that one Abdul Rahim Dagh, a resident of Ambala district and Nazim Bab-i-Ali of the Delhi Khaksars, had called on Sadiq, alias Munir to Delhi, and detailed him to proceed to Bombay to murder Mr. Jinnah,' GAJ Boon, assistant director of the Intelligence Bureau, wrote in a December 1943 report. When members of the movement in Delhi heard about the plot, they immediately informed Mashriqi. 'It was reported that Allama Mashriqi ordered that the plan must be frustrated at all costs,' Boon noted. The bureau remained vigilant, monitoring individual Khaksar members who might attempt to assassinate Jinnah. 'While, therefore, there is no evidence at present that the Khaksars are planning to assassinate Mr. Jinnah, it remains true that the Khaksars are not particularly pleased with him and the possibility of an individual attempt to harm him physically cannot, in the circumstances, be entirely discounted,' Boon added. 'Fortunately Rafiq Sabir has received heavy punishment for his attack on Mr. Jinnah and this may deter others from repeating the performance.' Mashriqi, who opposed the partition of India until the end, would go on to become a citizen of Pakistan after its formation. He remained politically active until his death in 1963.
The Wire
28 minutes ago
- The Wire
Why Gautam Adani is a Factor in India-US Ties
Why does Narendra Modi feel the need to protect Adani to that extent vis-à-vis the American investigators? We must get back to the genesis of their relationship in Gujarat to respond – partly – to this puzzle. Gautam Adani was not at all an important businessman before Narendra Modi helped him to grow in Gujarat as chief minister of the state. Adani was born in 1962 in Ratan Pol in the old city of Ahmedabad, his parents having migrated from north Gujarat. At the age of 18, he dropped out of Gujarat University and moved to Bombay, served a stint as a diamond sorter at Mahindra Bros. and then became a diamond trader. He moved to Ahmedabad in 1981 to help his brother, Mahasukh, who was starting a plastic-film manufacturing business. This company was heavily dependent on supplies of PVC. The sole producer of PVC in India at that time was IPCL, which used to supply two tonnes per month to the Adani brothers. But their rapidly growing business needed over 20 tonnes per month. Therefore, Adani began importing plastic granules through the Kandla port. The Adani group then diversified. In 1988, Gautam Adani set up a commodities trading venture called Adani Exports. In the next four years, his import orders grew from 100 metric tonnes (MT) orders to 40,000 MT. In 1991-92, Adani and agribusiness group Cargill were given 3,000 acres of coastal land in Kutch by the Chimanbhai Patel government for salt production. The project fell through after protests by George Fernandes and others, and Cargill pulled out. Adani held on to his land and began thinking of converting Mundra into a big port. In the framework of the nascent liberalisation, the Gujarat Maritime Board decided to allot ports to private companies in a joint venture with the state – an initial list of 10 ports was created, which included Mundra, which was 14m deep (deeper than Kandla at 12m) and allowed it to berth larger ships of 200,000 MT and above. In 1993, the company was incorporated into a limited company with two backers, Adani himself and Rajesh S. Adani, his younger brother. In 1997, Adani Exports Ltd. entered into a joint venture with the Gujarat government to build a mega port at Mundra. Around that time the Adani group established a base in Dubai, where two of the five Adani brothers were primarily in charge of the supply chain of Adani Exports. In 1999, Adani ventured into coal trading for the first time, with a shipment landing at Mundra. In 2000, Adani let P&O Australia, one of the world's largest port operators, set up a container terminal in Mundra. There is no evidence that Gautam Adani and Narendra Modi knew each other before the latter became chief minister, but they became very close soon after, in the aftermath of the 2002 pogrom. As this tragic episode of communal violence disrupted the state economy for weeks, businessmen including senior members of the Confederation of Indian Industry, criticised Modi. Rahul Bajaj, a senior member of the CII, described 2002 as a 'lost year for Gujarat' and challenged Modi with several 'tough questions' during a CII meeting in Delhi in February 2003, where Jamshyd Godrej also raised the issue. In November Azim Premji declared similarly at an IIM Ahmedabad seminar: 'Investors are wary of coming to Gujarat due to the lingering communal tensions in the state apart from its proximity to Pakistan.' Tarun Das, the then director-ceneral of the CII went to Gandhinagar one month after the meeting of the organisation during which Narendra Modi had been criticised in Delhi and told him that the CII leaders 'were very sorry for all that had happened.' But Gautam Adani and other CII members from Gujarat had already analysed the attitude of bigger businessmen from Gujarat as a great opportunity. They formed the 'Resurgent Group of Gujarat' in order to counter what they regarded as 'a concerted attempt by a section to defame Gujarat.' Among them were Dr Karsan Patel and Ambubhai Patel (Nirma group), Indravadan Modi (Cadila Pharmaceuticals), Pankaj Patel (Cadila Healthcares), Chintan Parikh (Ashima) Anil Bakeri (Bakeri group) and, last but not least, Gautam Adani who took a leading role. Like Modi, he was relatively isolated in 2002-03. He was not part of the business establishment either, as evident from his marginal position in terms of interlocking directorates. Both were newcomers to the high table of national politics on the one hand and big business on the other. Also read: Gautam Adani a 'Personal Matter': PM Modi Deflects Question; 'Covering Up Corruption,' Says Opposition When the first Vibrant Gujarat meeting took place in September-October 2003, Adani went further than his colleagues and pledged Rs 150 billion in investments. This was a major turning point of the Adani-Modi relationship: Modi could start to pay back for Adani's support, not only within the CII but in the context of his transition from the role of 'Hindu hriday samrat (ruler of Hindu hearts)' to that of ' vikas purush (one who would bring about development)'. The Adani Port and SEZ (APSEZ) at Mundra (Kutch district) was created the same year to provide cargo handling and other port services. It soon became India's first multi-product port-based SEZ, after Adani was granted 3,585 hectares (ha) of land, including 2,008 ha of forest and 990 ha of gauchar or village grazing land. Two converging investigations have alleged that the Adani Group bought this land, in one area, at a rate ranging from Re 1 to Rs 32 a square metre when the market rate was over Rs 1,500 rupees a square metre and, in another area, at the cost of Rs 10 rupees per sq. m., when the market price there was between Rs 700 and 800 per sq. m. In Mundra, Adani acquired up to 7,350 ha. Forbes argues, on the basis of the signed agreements, that for most of this area 'he got the 30-year, renewable leases for as little as one US cent a square meter (the rate made out at 45 cents a square meter). He in turn has sublet this land to other companies, including state-owned Indian Oil Co., for as much as US$ 11 a square meter. Between 2005 and 2007 at least 1,200 hectares of grazing land was taken away from villagers.' During the 2009 Vibrant Gujarat summit, the Modi government 'signed MoUs allowing the Adani group a Rs-150-billion expansion of its SEZ over the next 15 years. The government topped off its largesse of land to the Adani group with five-year tax breaks of over Rs 32 billion, almost four times what it had marked for redeveloping Kutch after the 2001 earthquake. Government data shows an investment of Rs 1.32 trillion in the Adani SEZ, port, and power plant, but only 38,875 jobs were created. That comes to an astonishing figure of Rs 33.8 million for creating one job...'. This is a clear indication of capital intensity – a question we'll return to below. In 2013, a CAG report pointed out that in the Adani Group's SEZ in Mundra '14 lease deeds for an area of 4,84,326 sq. mt. in MPSEZ were registered during the period from December 2008 to November 2011. However, the Collector had given permission to only one unit [...] Accordingly, the transfer of land admeasuring 4,65,728 sq. mt. by way of lease in the remaining 13 cases were irregular'. The CAG also indicted the Gujarat government for purchasing electricity from the Adani group at an abnormally high price. It pointed out that this 'non-adherence to the terms of Power Purchase Agreement led to short recovery of a penalty of Rs 1.60 billion and passing of undue benefit to a private firm'. In 2012, the Modi-Adani connection was targeted by Arvind Kejriwal, the leader of the Aam Aadmi Party who, the year before, had taken part in anti-corruption campaigns along with Anna Hazare. He accused the Gujarat government of buying power from the Adani Group at Rs 5.45 per unit when the Gujarat Mineral Development Corporation had made a better offer. Gas was another source of income for the Adani group, as it had also acquired a monopolistic position in the supply of CNG in Ahmedabad. In its last report dealing with the Modi government in Gujarat, the CAG reiterated the critique it had made in 2012 against the Adani group and arraigned the Essar group too: "…The purchase of power from the private sector increased to 37.22% (2012-13) from 15.22% (2008-09). Of this increase, the share of Private IPPs in power purchased from private sector [the Adani and the Essar groups], increased to 82.75% (i.e. 22,562.17 million units) in 2012-13 from 66.59% (i.e. 5,653.24 million units) indicating an increase of 300% in purchase of power from them during 2008-09 to 2012-13." The Adani group was also targeted by environmentalists. The Gujarat Coastal Zone Management Authority (GCZMA), in May 2006, formed a subcommittee which reported that the Adani Group had built many bunds in the inter-tidal area and blocked many creeks feeding water to the mangrove patches. To no avail. Four years later, in December 2010 the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) sent an inspection team to follow up on complaints from local inhabitants. The report presented after the visit found many instances of non-compliances. It made the same observations regarding large scale destruction of mangroves and obstruction of creek systems and natural flow of seawater because of reclamation. It made no difference. On September 14, 2012, the Minister of State of Environment and Forests (MoEF), Jayanthi Natarajan constituted a Committee under the Chairmanship of Sunita Nair, the Director General of CSE, for an inspection of Mundra port. It reached the same conclusions as its predecessors. Also read: 'Modi's Hands Tied Due to US Investigation into Adani,' Says Rahul Gandhi All the inspectors and experts have also observed that the Mundra thermal plants of Adani and Tata released fly ash, despite the terms of the 2007 clearance. In 2011 the Gujarat Pollution Control Board Inspection revealed that about 27,127 MT of fly ash was found to be dispersed in low-lying areas of the MPSEZ. The Sunita Nair committee made a similar observation. When Megha Bahree visited the place, she noticed that 'Fly ash and saline water from Adani Power and a nearby Tata Power Co. Ltd. plant are spoiling the crops and making the soil less fertile…'. The Sunita Nair committee recommended a Rs 2 billion environment restoration fund (ERF), but no penalty was imposed on either company by the government. In 2016, the Gujarat high court appointed another committee to enquire about the degradation caused by the Mundra port. It came to the same conclusion as its predecessor but, says environmentalist Mahesh Pandya, 'If you ask the Gujarat Pollution Control Board or the state environment and forest department how many notices they have served to the company, you will find none.' By the end of Modi's chief ministership, the combined market value of Adani Enterprises, Adani Power and Adani Ports and Special Economic Zones (APSEZ) were close to the value of Reliance Industries – whereas the Adani group was five hundred times smaller only 13 years before, in 2001. Indeed, the turnover of the group rose more than 20-fold, from Rs 37.41 billion in 2001-02 to Rs 756.59 billion in 2013-14. In fact, the rise of the Adani group accelerated in 2013 and 2014 when Modi became a strong contender to the post of Prime Minister: the market capitalisation of its companies increased by 250% between September 2013 – when Narendra Modi was declared the BJP's official candidate for prime ministership – and September 2014. Between September 2013 and May 2014, the wealth of Gautam Adani had already increased by Rs 501.31 billion because of the market capitalisation of his companies (it increased by Rs 18 billion every day during the week that followed Modi's electoral success). Mukesh Ambani's wealth increased by 'only' Rs 305.03 billion rupees (US$ 3.81 billion) during the same period. This sudden prosperity could be explained only by Adani's close relation with Narendra Modi – which became obvious when Modi used Adani's chartered plane on his campaign trail across India in the run-up to the 2014 elections. On May 22, 2014, the day he was sworn in as prime minister, he flew to New Delhi from Ahmedabad in Adani's private aircraft, the Indian flag embossed on the aircraft to his right, and on his left, an embossed logo of the Adani Group – the duo was transitioning from the state to the national level. Today's situation is the legacy of these Gujarat years which saw the making of a new oligarch. Since then, the mutual dependence has further deepened. Both men need each other in a very classic manner: the politician offers protection to the crorepatti who pays for his expenditures – including election campaigns whose cost represented billions of dollars in 2014, 2019 and 2024. Whether Narendra Modi can help Gautam Adani to escape from the American investigations remains to be seen as easily as from the Indian ones. In diplomatic relations, there are wheels within wheels. This article draws from my latest book: Gujarat under Modi. The Blueprint of Today's India, Bangalore, Westland/Context, 2024. Christophe Jaffrelot is Senior Research Fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, Professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at King's College London, Non resident Scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Chair of the British Association for South Asian Studies. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement
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New Indian Express
28 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
Leniency for convicts, misuse of UAPA draw flak at CPI conference
PATHANAMTHITTA: In a strong critique of the state home department, the district conference of the CPI in Pathanamthitta has raised concerns over the misuse of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the provision of 'lenient conditions' for high-profile jail convicts including Kodi Suni, the prime accused in the T P Chandrasekharan murder. The political report, presented at the three-day meet being held in Konni, asked the ruling front to ensure fairness in the system. CPI state secretary Binoy Viswam, in his address, also took aim at the home department, cautioning the LDF government against the indiscriminate use of UAPA. Referring to the cases of Alan Shuhaib and Taha Fazal, Viswam said: 'Cases can be registered when there are valid reasons, but the government should not appear as one that keeps people in jail indefinitely under UAPA. That is the CPI policy.' He also cited the plight of Maoist leader Roopesh, who reportedly had to go on a hunger strike to publish a book, despite the Supreme Court having affirmed prisoners' right to do so. 'Kerala should not become a state that permanently detains citizens. CPI cannot accept this. UDF and BJP can do it, the Left government should not,' he stressed. The report highlighted that top police officers like ADGP Ajith Kumar are even disregarding ministerial directives. The report further criticised nepotism in Kudumbashree-linked appointments and warned that political welcoming of those accused under the Kerala Anti-Social Activities (Prevention) Act (KAAPA) and even POCSO could trigger public backlash. While acknowledging significant modernisation in the health sector, the CPI report called for better administrative discipline at the senior level. 'Kudumbashree is a major women's empowerment initiative, but placing its members directly in government departments without going through PSC (Public Service Commission) or employment exchange can raise fairness concerns and affect departmental functioning. Strong financial discipline is essential to avoid irregularities,' the report noted. Environmental concerns — including quarrying, soil removal, and paddy field reclamation — were also flagged, with the party calling for tighter vigil. The report also criticised the functioning of the animal husbandry department. On the national front, the CPI accused the RSS of attempting to portray itself as the 'apostles of the country' while glorifying leaders like Vinayak Savarkar 'who apologised to the British six times'. It also warned against Christian priests maintaining ties with the BJP, saying 'wolves in sheep's clothing' must be identified. The district meet will conclude on Saturday.
