India's imperatives for a national security strategy

Hindustan Times

29-07-2025

As we watch, with justifiable pride, the steady march of India's GDP towards Olympian heights, we must also take note of some issues of concern, lest harsh reality be overtaken by euphoria.
First, a very large proportion of the GDP is contributed by the so-called informal or unorganised sector. Second, India's per-capita GDP is $2,487, against the world average of $13,710, placing it at the 136th position among 188 countries, as listed by a UN survey. The last and most serious issue of concern is growing inequality, with one study claiming the top 1% of India's population has cornered about 40% of its wealth.
Two oft-heard statements, in this context, are: 'A rising tide will lift all boats' and 'The trickle-down effect will take care of everything'. This author is no economist, and, therefore, unable to comment on the validity of these prophesies, but there is no gainsaying that steady economic growth is the only panacea for most of India's ills.
It would, however, be delusionary to assume that India's rise is guaranteed, and that it is pre-destined to attain 'great power' status by 2047.
The reality is that to achieve its full potential, India requires a strategic approach that integrates prudent economic policies with a robust security framework, anchored in inclusive and empathetic politics.
Above all, we must face the fact that India needs peace and tranquillity, since not only are wars expensive, they divert national resources away from development. Today, India's complex security environment is shaped not only by China's hostility, manifest in its territorial claims and transgressions, but also by its trade stronghold. China's military modernisation, nuclear expansion, and growing naval presence in the Indian Ocean, coupled with its anti-India nexus with Pakistan, heighten India's threat perceptions. Operation Sindoor marked India's hardened stance against cross-border terrorism, emanating from Pakistan, and conveyed a message of 'no tolerance for nuclear blackmail'. But only time will tell how this signalling has been perceived and interpreted by the Pakistani deep State.
India's immediate neighbourhood is unfortunately plagued by numerous contentious bilateral issues. Despite abjuring any thought of an Indian Monroe Doctrine, New Delhi is still perceived as a regional Big Brother or even a big bully, a crucial failure for Indian diplomats to reflect upon. Internally, India faces a complex web of security challenges. Cross-border terrorism in J&K, sporadic insurgencies in the North East, Left-wing extremism in central and eastern India, and sustained ethnic strife in Manipur continue to pose significant threats to domestic harmony.
Although India seeks to play a leading role in the international order, it has not invested sufficient intellectual capital in assessing and mitigating potential threats. After 78 years of Independence, the nation still lacks a clearly defined statement of its national aims, objectives and security doctrines. This strategic void has seen India being repeatedly caught by surprise, often leading to knee-jerk responses to crises. Given India's volatile security landscape and the imperative for sustained economic growth, there is an urgent need to envision the nation's long-term future and chart a deliberate course to steer.
Naysayers in India insist that since our decision-makers know what is to be done, a formal national security strategy is unnecessary. Other nations, however, have shown greater clarity of vision, and in the Indo-Pacific region alone, the past five years have seen 14 countries issuing national security strategies, policies, or defence white papers (DWP). Amongst them is China, which released its 12th successive DWP, in May 2025, dwelling on geopolitical objectives, external and internal security issues, force structures, and defence modernisation.
It is, therefore, time for India to craft a long-term national strategy document that integrates security with economic policy. Once a vision of India's place in the world order, and its intended role as a regional/global power are clearly spelt out, it will illuminate the path ahead for many who have, so far, been groping in the dark.
Such a document will provide clear signposts for India's diplomatic, intelligence, military, and economic institutions to craft policies and strategies that could shape the badly needed whole-of-government approach.
In the military sphere, it will serve to sharpen focus on evolution of doctrines, design of force-architecture, acquisition of hardware, and mobilisation of the public and private sectors in defence R&D and production. Without going into minutiae, three major courses of action deserve urgent attention at this stage.
India's primary emphasis should be upon restoring/acquiring conventional deterrence, both against our northern and western adversaries, by building up our long-neglected arsenal to sustain intense hostilities for a reasonable duration. Focusing sharply on robotics, beyond visual range aerial and ground attack weaponry, networking of platforms, electronic and cyber warfare, and exploitation of the space segment, we should be ready to incur whatever expenditure is necessary for acquiring these capabilities at the earliest.
In the nuclear domain, while India's 2003 doctrine may have served us well so far, both the Chinese and Pakistani nuclear arsenals have seen growth in number and types of warheads. There have also been subtle but profound doctrinal shifts that call for reflection on India's part to ensure that our nuclear deterrence remains relevant and effective.
Finally, we must consider the unfortunate fact that fate has entrapped India in two of the world's longest-lasting territorial disputes, and if not resolved within a reasonable timeframe, this will hold the country's future to ransom. Given political will and perspicacity, diplomacy can be a powerful tool for conflict avoidance and finding a modus vivendi. A bold leadership would consider taking a leap of faith and looking beyond the current state of historical rancour, political hostility and military confrontation, and engage adversaries in diplomatic dialogue and negotiations.
Arun Prakash is a former chief of naval staff. The views expressed are personal.