Kangana Ranaut on 11 years of Modi government: Keeping the promise
A political, economic, and social transformation has been underway in the past 11 years. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership, India has emerged as a self-reliant, inclusive, and globally respected nation. The foundation of this transformation rests on infrastructure. Connectivity was a major concern when PM Modi assumed office in 2014. Today more than 146,000 km of national highways — as against 91,000 km in 2014 — bridge the gap between rural and urban, between aspiration and opportunity.
The highways have been supplemented by a revolution in rail connectivity, especially in Jammu and Kashmir. The commissioning of the Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla Railway Link and engineering marvels like the Chenab Bridge and the Anji Khad Bridge mark the victory of human will over terrain. Urban transport has also undergone a green transformation with the introduction of electric buses, including in the national capital.
The provision of housing has become a national mission. The Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana is about providing dignity to the poorest — a rural family assigned a pucca house with electricity and toilets signals an end to generational poverty. The Saubhagya Scheme to provide electricity to nearly 3 crore unelectrified households has to be counted as a big public welfare success story. Electricity means security, education and economic activity for homes in rural India. Health sector reform, especially the Ayushman Bharat Scheme, has followed the path of inclusivity. Illness is no longer equated with bankruptcies.
The Jan Dhan scheme has led to financial inclusion. Subsidies, scholarships, pensions, and relief funds are routed through such accounts, obviating the need for a middleman.
The Digital India campaign is another success. UPI is today used by people across economic strata. Digital India is also about access and transparency — the two pillars of good governance. This revolution would not be complete without the recognition that Indian women should be at the forefront of this agenda. Subhadra Yojana is one such expression of this gender-sensitive policy approach.
Environmental issues have received importance. Syncing development with ecology has been part of the Modi government's credo. The National Education Policy, 2020, has addressed the future — AI, innovation, interdisciplinary research — while remaining rooted in India's heritage. Government school upgradation under the PM SHRI scheme made sure that the policy was translated into action. Agriculture has undergone structural change. PM-Kisan provides income support to 11 crore farmers every year. Projects such as the Polavaram irrigation scheme tried to solve the problems of water availability.
On defence, the government's message has been unequivocal — India will not ignore the strategic requirements at its frontiers. On the global stage, India found a more confident voice. From G20 summits to diplomatic dialogues, India emerged not just as a participant, but a shaper of global narratives. Our foreign policy reflects pride in our civilisational identity while adapting to 21st-century realities.
The economy has remained resilient in the face of global uncertainties. Reforms ranging from GST to cutting corporate tax made India an investment hub. The country is among the world's fastest-growing economies. Job creation was facilitated by the sheer volume of infrastructure development.
The welfare model has empowered people. From ending redundant laws to creating simplified tax systems, the effort has been to make government effective and citizen-friendly. The youth have been at the core of the government's initiatives. Startup India, Stand-Up India, and the Atal Innovation Mission empower a generation to be job creators.
India has seen massive infrastructure transformation; two examples are the Chandigarh–Manali highway tunnels and the Chenab Rail Bridge in Jammu and Kashmir. Earlier, the road to Manali was riddled with traffic jams, landslides, and long travel hours. With the construction of more than 14 tunnels and multiple bypasses, the travel time has been cut by almost four hours. Equally remarkable is the Chenab Bridge. Connecting Katra to Srinagar through the Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla rail link, this bridge is a lifeline for the people of J&K. With the launch of Vande Bharat trains on this route, the region is now more connected than ever.
Modi government's 11 years have not merely been about numbers and schemes; they have been about fulfilling a vision. India is more secure, integrated, and future-ready.
The writer is the BJP MP for Mandi
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The Wire
24 minutes ago
- The Wire
Why Gautam Adani is a Factor in India-US Ties
Why does Narendra Modi feel the need to protect Adani to that extent vis-à-vis the American investigators? We must get back to the genesis of their relationship in Gujarat to respond – partly – to this puzzle. Gautam Adani was not at all an important businessman before Narendra Modi helped him to grow in Gujarat as chief minister of the state. Adani was born in 1962 in Ratan Pol in the old city of Ahmedabad, his parents having migrated from north Gujarat. At the age of 18, he dropped out of Gujarat University and moved to Bombay, served a stint as a diamond sorter at Mahindra Bros. and then became a diamond trader. He moved to Ahmedabad in 1981 to help his brother, Mahasukh, who was starting a plastic-film manufacturing business. This company was heavily dependent on supplies of PVC. The sole producer of PVC in India at that time was IPCL, which used to supply two tonnes per month to the Adani brothers. But their rapidly growing business needed over 20 tonnes per month. Therefore, Adani began importing plastic granules through the Kandla port. The Adani group then diversified. In 1988, Gautam Adani set up a commodities trading venture called Adani Exports. In the next four years, his import orders grew from 100 metric tonnes (MT) orders to 40,000 MT. In 1991-92, Adani and agribusiness group Cargill were given 3,000 acres of coastal land in Kutch by the Chimanbhai Patel government for salt production. The project fell through after protests by George Fernandes and others, and Cargill pulled out. Adani held on to his land and began thinking of converting Mundra into a big port. In the framework of the nascent liberalisation, the Gujarat Maritime Board decided to allot ports to private companies in a joint venture with the state – an initial list of 10 ports was created, which included Mundra, which was 14m deep (deeper than Kandla at 12m) and allowed it to berth larger ships of 200,000 MT and above. In 1993, the company was incorporated into a limited company with two backers, Adani himself and Rajesh S. Adani, his younger brother. In 1997, Adani Exports Ltd. entered into a joint venture with the Gujarat government to build a mega port at Mundra. Around that time the Adani group established a base in Dubai, where two of the five Adani brothers were primarily in charge of the supply chain of Adani Exports. In 1999, Adani ventured into coal trading for the first time, with a shipment landing at Mundra. In 2000, Adani let P&O Australia, one of the world's largest port operators, set up a container terminal in Mundra. There is no evidence that Gautam Adani and Narendra Modi knew each other before the latter became chief minister, but they became very close soon after, in the aftermath of the 2002 pogrom. As this tragic episode of communal violence disrupted the state economy for weeks, businessmen including senior members of the Confederation of Indian Industry, criticised Modi. Rahul Bajaj, a senior member of the CII, described 2002 as a 'lost year for Gujarat' and challenged Modi with several 'tough questions' during a CII meeting in Delhi in February 2003, where Jamshyd Godrej also raised the issue. In November Azim Premji declared similarly at an IIM Ahmedabad seminar: 'Investors are wary of coming to Gujarat due to the lingering communal tensions in the state apart from its proximity to Pakistan.' Tarun Das, the then director-ceneral of the CII went to Gandhinagar one month after the meeting of the organisation during which Narendra Modi had been criticised in Delhi and told him that the CII leaders 'were very sorry for all that had happened.' But Gautam Adani and other CII members from Gujarat had already analysed the attitude of bigger businessmen from Gujarat as a great opportunity. They formed the 'Resurgent Group of Gujarat' in order to counter what they regarded as 'a concerted attempt by a section to defame Gujarat.' Among them were Dr Karsan Patel and Ambubhai Patel (Nirma group), Indravadan Modi (Cadila Pharmaceuticals), Pankaj Patel (Cadila Healthcares), Chintan Parikh (Ashima) Anil Bakeri (Bakeri group) and, last but not least, Gautam Adani who took a leading role. Like Modi, he was relatively isolated in 2002-03. He was not part of the business establishment either, as evident from his marginal position in terms of interlocking directorates. Both were newcomers to the high table of national politics on the one hand and big business on the other. Also read: Gautam Adani a 'Personal Matter': PM Modi Deflects Question; 'Covering Up Corruption,' Says Opposition When the first Vibrant Gujarat meeting took place in September-October 2003, Adani went further than his colleagues and pledged Rs 150 billion in investments. This was a major turning point of the Adani-Modi relationship: Modi could start to pay back for Adani's support, not only within the CII but in the context of his transition from the role of 'Hindu hriday samrat (ruler of Hindu hearts)' to that of ' vikas purush (one who would bring about development)'. The Adani Port and SEZ (APSEZ) at Mundra (Kutch district) was created the same year to provide cargo handling and other port services. It soon became India's first multi-product port-based SEZ, after Adani was granted 3,585 hectares (ha) of land, including 2,008 ha of forest and 990 ha of gauchar or village grazing land. Two converging investigations have alleged that the Adani Group bought this land, in one area, at a rate ranging from Re 1 to Rs 32 a square metre when the market rate was over Rs 1,500 rupees a square metre and, in another area, at the cost of Rs 10 rupees per sq. m., when the market price there was between Rs 700 and 800 per sq. m. In Mundra, Adani acquired up to 7,350 ha. Forbes argues, on the basis of the signed agreements, that for most of this area 'he got the 30-year, renewable leases for as little as one US cent a square meter (the rate made out at 45 cents a square meter). He in turn has sublet this land to other companies, including state-owned Indian Oil Co., for as much as US$ 11 a square meter. Between 2005 and 2007 at least 1,200 hectares of grazing land was taken away from villagers.' During the 2009 Vibrant Gujarat summit, the Modi government 'signed MoUs allowing the Adani group a Rs-150-billion expansion of its SEZ over the next 15 years. The government topped off its largesse of land to the Adani group with five-year tax breaks of over Rs 32 billion, almost four times what it had marked for redeveloping Kutch after the 2001 earthquake. Government data shows an investment of Rs 1.32 trillion in the Adani SEZ, port, and power plant, but only 38,875 jobs were created. That comes to an astonishing figure of Rs 33.8 million for creating one job...'. This is a clear indication of capital intensity – a question we'll return to below. In 2013, a CAG report pointed out that in the Adani Group's SEZ in Mundra '14 lease deeds for an area of 4,84,326 sq. mt. in MPSEZ were registered during the period from December 2008 to November 2011. However, the Collector had given permission to only one unit [...] Accordingly, the transfer of land admeasuring 4,65,728 sq. mt. by way of lease in the remaining 13 cases were irregular'. The CAG also indicted the Gujarat government for purchasing electricity from the Adani group at an abnormally high price. It pointed out that this 'non-adherence to the terms of Power Purchase Agreement led to short recovery of a penalty of Rs 1.60 billion and passing of undue benefit to a private firm'. In 2012, the Modi-Adani connection was targeted by Arvind Kejriwal, the leader of the Aam Aadmi Party who, the year before, had taken part in anti-corruption campaigns along with Anna Hazare. He accused the Gujarat government of buying power from the Adani Group at Rs 5.45 per unit when the Gujarat Mineral Development Corporation had made a better offer. Gas was another source of income for the Adani group, as it had also acquired a monopolistic position in the supply of CNG in Ahmedabad. In its last report dealing with the Modi government in Gujarat, the CAG reiterated the critique it had made in 2012 against the Adani group and arraigned the Essar group too: "…The purchase of power from the private sector increased to 37.22% (2012-13) from 15.22% (2008-09). Of this increase, the share of Private IPPs in power purchased from private sector [the Adani and the Essar groups], increased to 82.75% (i.e. 22,562.17 million units) in 2012-13 from 66.59% (i.e. 5,653.24 million units) indicating an increase of 300% in purchase of power from them during 2008-09 to 2012-13." The Adani group was also targeted by environmentalists. The Gujarat Coastal Zone Management Authority (GCZMA), in May 2006, formed a subcommittee which reported that the Adani Group had built many bunds in the inter-tidal area and blocked many creeks feeding water to the mangrove patches. To no avail. Four years later, in December 2010 the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) sent an inspection team to follow up on complaints from local inhabitants. The report presented after the visit found many instances of non-compliances. It made the same observations regarding large scale destruction of mangroves and obstruction of creek systems and natural flow of seawater because of reclamation. It made no difference. On September 14, 2012, the Minister of State of Environment and Forests (MoEF), Jayanthi Natarajan constituted a Committee under the Chairmanship of Sunita Nair, the Director General of CSE, for an inspection of Mundra port. It reached the same conclusions as its predecessors. Also read: 'Modi's Hands Tied Due to US Investigation into Adani,' Says Rahul Gandhi All the inspectors and experts have also observed that the Mundra thermal plants of Adani and Tata released fly ash, despite the terms of the 2007 clearance. In 2011 the Gujarat Pollution Control Board Inspection revealed that about 27,127 MT of fly ash was found to be dispersed in low-lying areas of the MPSEZ. The Sunita Nair committee made a similar observation. When Megha Bahree visited the place, she noticed that 'Fly ash and saline water from Adani Power and a nearby Tata Power Co. Ltd. plant are spoiling the crops and making the soil less fertile…'. The Sunita Nair committee recommended a Rs 2 billion environment restoration fund (ERF), but no penalty was imposed on either company by the government. In 2016, the Gujarat high court appointed another committee to enquire about the degradation caused by the Mundra port. It came to the same conclusion as its predecessor but, says environmentalist Mahesh Pandya, 'If you ask the Gujarat Pollution Control Board or the state environment and forest department how many notices they have served to the company, you will find none.' By the end of Modi's chief ministership, the combined market value of Adani Enterprises, Adani Power and Adani Ports and Special Economic Zones (APSEZ) were close to the value of Reliance Industries – whereas the Adani group was five hundred times smaller only 13 years before, in 2001. Indeed, the turnover of the group rose more than 20-fold, from Rs 37.41 billion in 2001-02 to Rs 756.59 billion in 2013-14. In fact, the rise of the Adani group accelerated in 2013 and 2014 when Modi became a strong contender to the post of Prime Minister: the market capitalisation of its companies increased by 250% between September 2013 – when Narendra Modi was declared the BJP's official candidate for prime ministership – and September 2014. Between September 2013 and May 2014, the wealth of Gautam Adani had already increased by Rs 501.31 billion because of the market capitalisation of his companies (it increased by Rs 18 billion every day during the week that followed Modi's electoral success). Mukesh Ambani's wealth increased by 'only' Rs 305.03 billion rupees (US$ 3.81 billion) during the same period. This sudden prosperity could be explained only by Adani's close relation with Narendra Modi – which became obvious when Modi used Adani's chartered plane on his campaign trail across India in the run-up to the 2014 elections. On May 22, 2014, the day he was sworn in as prime minister, he flew to New Delhi from Ahmedabad in Adani's private aircraft, the Indian flag embossed on the aircraft to his right, and on his left, an embossed logo of the Adani Group – the duo was transitioning from the state to the national level. Today's situation is the legacy of these Gujarat years which saw the making of a new oligarch. Since then, the mutual dependence has further deepened. Both men need each other in a very classic manner: the politician offers protection to the crorepatti who pays for his expenditures – including election campaigns whose cost represented billions of dollars in 2014, 2019 and 2024. Whether Narendra Modi can help Gautam Adani to escape from the American investigations remains to be seen as easily as from the Indian ones. In diplomatic relations, there are wheels within wheels. This article draws from my latest book: Gujarat under Modi. The Blueprint of Today's India, Bangalore, Westland/Context, 2024. Christophe Jaffrelot is Senior Research Fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, Professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at King's College London, Non resident Scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Chair of the British Association for South Asian Studies. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement
Hans India
24 minutes ago
- Hans India
Traders hail PM Modi's push for swadeshi products
New Delhi: Traders across Delhi lauded Prime Minister Narendra Modi's call to promote swadeshi products by stocking them in shops and displaying their Indian origin on boards and hoardings. In his 103-minute speech on 79th Independence Day, the prime minister urged shopkeepers and traders to put up boards outside their shops declaring that they sell only Indian products and promote the use of 'swadeshi' products. Sanjeev Khanna, president of the Khan Market Traders' Association, said the market has already embraced indigenous products. 'I own four shops in the market. In three of them, I have already stocked Indian fabrics and other locally made items. In the fourth, a toy shop, we plan to soon introduce wooden toys and traditional dolls,' he said. Paramjeet Singh Pamma, chairperson of the Sadar Bazar Traders' Association, said they are happy to sell Indian products and will expand their offerings as more items become available. 'Currently, about 80 per cent of the idols we sell are made in India and are even exported. If more products are manufactured domestically, we will sell only Indian goods, display it proudly on our boards, and stop importing items from other countries,' he said. In his address to the nation on Independence Day from the ramparts of the Red Fort, Modi pushed for a self-reliant India. 'I want to appeal to every trader and shopkeeper, it is your responsibility as well... I want shopkeepers and traders to come forward, write outside their shops reading, 'yahan swadeshi maal bikta hai (indigenous products are sold here)',' Modi said. 'We should be proud of swadeshi, we should adopt swadeshi not due to compulsion, but as our strength,' he said. Sanjai Bhargaw, president of the Chandni Chowk Traders' Association, said the historic market is primarily known for clothing, with nearly 95 per cent of shopkeepers dealing in Indian fabrics. 'Imported materials are limited due to low demand. To further promote indigenous products and create awareness among customers, we are planning to put up posters and stickers in our shops with the message 'Indian Made' along with a small Indian flag,' he said. Vikram Badhwar, general secretary of the New Delhi Traders' Association in Connaught Place, said the market is home to many skilled artisans and shoemakers. 'We are more than willing to introduce Indian-made products in our shops. We are Indians, and we take pride in selling goods made in our own country,' he added.
The Hindu
24 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Want GST 2.0 to be Good and Simple Tax not Growth Suppressing Tax: Congress
The Congress on Saturday (August 16, 2025) demanded an official discussion paper on GST 2.0 soon for a wider debate on it and said the reform should be towards a "Good and Simple Tax" in letter, spirit, and compliance, and not the "Growth Suppressing Tax" it has become. The Opposition party's assertion came a day after Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced that GST rates will be lowered by Diwali, bringing down prices of everyday use items, as his government looks to reform the eight-year-old regime that has been plagued by litigation and evasion. Independence Day highlights Congress general secretary in-charge of communications, Jairam Ramesh, said that for well over a year and a half at least, the party has been calling for a radically transformed GST 2.0. Noting that a transformed GST 2.0 was a key pledge in the Congress manifesto for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Mr. Ramesh on Friday (August 15, 2025) said the Prime Minister seems to have finally woken up to the fact that economic growth will simply not accelerate unless this transformation takes place and increases private consumption and private investment. "Over the last seven years, the spirit of GST has been vitiated by an increased number of rates and the granting of multiple exemptions. The structure also seems to have facilitated evasion. There must be a drastic reduction in the number of rates," he said in a statement. The Congress leader said simplification of the rate structure is essential, but must be done in a manner that minimises revenue uncertainty to states and also eliminates the classification disputes that have become so common. "The GST compensation cess expires on March 31, 2026. This must be extended to offset any revenue uncertainty from the rationalisation of the rate structure." Mr. Ramesh said the widespread concerns of MSMEs — the major employment generators in the economy — must be addressed meaningfully, he said, adding that apart from major procedural changes in GST, this will involve further increasing the thresholds that must apply to interstate supplies as well. Sectoral issues that have surfaced, for instance, in textiles, tourism, exporters, handicrafts and agricultural inputs, must be tackled, he said. In addition, States should be incentivised to move towards the introduction of State-level GST to cover electricity, alcohol, petroleum, and real estate as well, the Congress leader opined. "The Indian National Congress demands an official discussion paper on GST 2.0 very soon so that there can be an informed and wider debate on this vital and pressing national issue. "GST 2.0 should be truly a Good and Simple Tax (GST) in letter, spirit, and compliance, not like the Growth Suppressing Tax (GST) it has become," Mr. Ramesh said. Soon after the Prime Minister's announcement from the ramparts of the Red Fort on the 79th Independence Day, the Union Finance Ministry said it has proposed that most goods and services be taxed in two slabs — standard and merit — and a select few items be charged special rates. This is to replace the current goods and services tax (GST) structure, where sale of goods and rendering of services are taxed in four different brackets — 5%, 12%, 18% and 28% — with luxury and sin goods attracting a levy on top of the highest rate of 28 per cent. "This Diwali, I am going to make it a double Diwali for you," Modi had said in his address to the nation. Stating that over the past eight years, his government has undertaken major GST reforms, the prime minister said, "We have discussed with states and we are bringing next-generation GST reforms that will reduce the tax burden across the country." "Tax on items for the common man will be reduced substantially. Our MSMEs will benefit hugely. Daily use items will become cheaper, which will also strengthen our economy," he had said. GST, which subsumed a host of taxes and local levies, was rolled out on July 1, 2017.
