Corrupt public and private sector collaborators are taking us all down
When I grew up in Port Alfred, there was a Reverend Maguma who had a shop. On evenings and weekends, his sons manned the shop because he was running his church. As young boys who were the sons' friends, we would flock there every day because they sold us items at half price or sometimes just gave them to us for nothing. Some of us would even resell those to others and earn money.
In no time, Rev Maguma had to shut down his shop because it couldn't sustain the losses. Just like the public leaders and servants who plunder the public purse today, the sons were eating the very capital that could have made a material difference in their own and (later) their children's lives.
Similarly, the short-sightedness of the merchants of corruption blinds them from seeing how the resources they steal could help end poverty in South Africa. If things continue to deteriorate, South Africa Inc will soon close shop, thus exacerbating its already fragile state.
Every year, the Fund for Peace produces the Fragile States Index. In the 2024 Fragile States Index, South Africa ranks 80th globally out of 179 countries assessed, with an overall score of 69.6 (on a scale where higher scores denote greater fragility).
This marks a modest improvement from its 2023 score of 72, but remains well above the global average of about 64.6.
According to the Fund for Peace's methodology, the Fragile States Index assesses countries using 12 indicators grouped under social, economic, political and cross-cutting dimensions. For South Africa in 2024, several specific vulnerabilities stand out:
Economic decline: Economic instability is evident from recessionary pressures, high unemployment (especially among the young), and rising inequality;
Uneven economic development: Deep structural inequalities along racial and geographic lines persist, exacerbating social tensions;
Demographic pressures: Rapid urbanisation and population growth strain infrastructure and public services;
Public services: Service delivery challenges – especially in health, education, and municipal governance – contribute to governance fragility. This is attested by Good Governance Africa's own Governance Performance Index, which measures local government service delivery efficacy;
State legitimacy: Corruption, institutional mistrust and poor political accountability erode public confidence in the state;
Factionalised elites: Political factionalism and elite competition affect policymaking and cohesion; and
Additionally, human rights and rule of law issues, human capital flight and brain drain further elevate South Africa's fragility risk profile.
South Africa's relatively high Fragile States Index score — 69.6 — puts it in the moderate-to-warning zone. As the Fund for Peace characterises fragile states, these factors reflect 'an erosion of legitimate authority', inability to provide adequate public services and rising economic decline, demographic pressure and uneven development.
In the story of the reverend's shop, it was not just his sons who were involved in making the shop's financial position fragile. I, my friends and many others participated in the collapse of that business because we were simply greedy and selfish. All we cared about was our stomachs.
The same greed and selfishness are what drive private sector players to continue to collaborate with – and even wilfully enable – greedy government officials.
Private sector role
The private sector in South Africa has played a significant role in perpetuating corruption, often acting as a conduit for illicit activities that undermine good governance. The Zondo Commission Report highlights this troubling dynamic, noting that 'corruption in the private sector often facilitates public sector corruption, creating a corrupt symbiosis that hampers economic development'.
This is also a problem identified at the global level in Transparency International's Annual Corruption Perception Index.
The Zondo report also underscores how 'businesses have sometimes engaged in practices such as bribery, nepotism and fraud to secure contracts and influence government decisions'.
Influential reports, including the High-Level Panel on the Assessment of Key Legislation and the Public Protector's reports, further emphasise the depth of private sector involvement.
These insights reveal a pattern where the private sector's complicity in corrupt activities sustains a cycle that debilitates South Africa's democracy and economic stability.
Just like we never stopped until the shop closed, indications are that the corrupt private sector players will never stop until this country's public finances, economy and the state collapse completely. The shareholders of these companies often do not live in South Africa and so feel that they can simply offload the costs of corruption on to our society while laughing all the way to the (foreign) bank.
Reverend Maguma's hands-off approach, his blind trust in his sons, his distraction and lack of consequent management didn't help the situation. He let his sons continue working the till when they didn't have the moral clarity, commitment to the family business and maturity to handle the business.
It is the same with President Cyril Ramaphosa and his government. Many of the people in senior and influential positions have neither the ethical underpinnings nor the love for the people and commitment to the country's growth that is needed to lift us up from the morass we are currently in.
There appear to be no immediate and visible negative consequences for corruption for the most part.
Priorities
The distraction of so many priorities is another detrimental factor facing our country. Our country should have only six, namely:
Grow the economy;
Reduce unemployment;
End corruption;
Prevent and deal with crime;
Sort out the immigration crisis; and
Improve the quality of our education.
We don't need another dialogue. We need a focus on implementing strategies that deal effectively with these six priorities.
When I was growing up, we used to look after cows, and we also used to play with dogs. Cows and dogs used to have ticks.
Now and then, there was a certain type of tick that would go to some of the most hidden parts of your body and get stuck in, sucking your blood. They were very difficult to remove. Sometimes, even if you took a pair of scissors to cut it, the head would remain stuck. That was until you found someone with the patience to take it out completely.
The stubborn ticks that are sucking South Africa dry are corrupt public and private sector collaborators. They are embedded deep into the fibre of the state machinery. Until we have a leadership that will decisively remove them (and is not itself complicit), our country is doomed.
Both public and private sector corruption are serious problems in South Africa, and they are often intertwined.
While public sector corruption may have a broader impact on society and governance, private sector corruption can be just as damaging in terms of economic distortions and unfair practices.
Addressing both types of corruption requires a multi-faceted approach involving stronger regulation, increased transparency and greater accountability in both the public and private sectors.
As citizens, our responsibility is to expose both, first by not participating in it and second, by reporting it.
This is what Daily Maverick investigative journalist Pieter-Louis Myburgh did when the suspended Independent Development Trust, Tebogo Malaka and her spokesperson Phasha Makgolane allegedly tried to bribe him.
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Daily Maverick
12 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Corrupt public and private sector collaborators are taking us all down
Whenever I think of the rampant plundering of South Africa's public resources, a childhood story comes to mind. When I grew up in Port Alfred, there was a Reverend Maguma who had a shop. On evenings and weekends, his sons manned the shop because he was running his church. As young boys who were the sons' friends, we would flock there every day because they sold us items at half price or sometimes just gave them to us for nothing. Some of us would even resell those to others and earn money. In no time, Rev Maguma had to shut down his shop because it couldn't sustain the losses. Just like the public leaders and servants who plunder the public purse today, the sons were eating the very capital that could have made a material difference in their own and (later) their children's lives. Similarly, the short-sightedness of the merchants of corruption blinds them from seeing how the resources they steal could help end poverty in South Africa. If things continue to deteriorate, South Africa Inc will soon close shop, thus exacerbating its already fragile state. Every year, the Fund for Peace produces the Fragile States Index. In the 2024 Fragile States Index, South Africa ranks 80th globally out of 179 countries assessed, with an overall score of 69.6 (on a scale where higher scores denote greater fragility). This marks a modest improvement from its 2023 score of 72, but remains well above the global average of about 64.6. According to the Fund for Peace's methodology, the Fragile States Index assesses countries using 12 indicators grouped under social, economic, political and cross-cutting dimensions. For South Africa in 2024, several specific vulnerabilities stand out: Economic decline: Economic instability is evident from recessionary pressures, high unemployment (especially among the young), and rising inequality; Uneven economic development: Deep structural inequalities along racial and geographic lines persist, exacerbating social tensions; Demographic pressures: Rapid urbanisation and population growth strain infrastructure and public services; Public services: Service delivery challenges – especially in health, education, and municipal governance – contribute to governance fragility. This is attested by Good Governance Africa's own Governance Performance Index, which measures local government service delivery efficacy; State legitimacy: Corruption, institutional mistrust and poor political accountability erode public confidence in the state; Factionalised elites: Political factionalism and elite competition affect policymaking and cohesion; and Additionally, human rights and rule of law issues, human capital flight and brain drain further elevate South Africa's fragility risk profile. South Africa's relatively high Fragile States Index score — 69.6 — puts it in the moderate-to-warning zone. As the Fund for Peace characterises fragile states, these factors reflect 'an erosion of legitimate authority', inability to provide adequate public services and rising economic decline, demographic pressure and uneven development. In the story of the reverend's shop, it was not just his sons who were involved in making the shop's financial position fragile. I, my friends and many others participated in the collapse of that business because we were simply greedy and selfish. All we cared about was our stomachs. The same greed and selfishness are what drive private sector players to continue to collaborate with – and even wilfully enable – greedy government officials. Private sector role The private sector in South Africa has played a significant role in perpetuating corruption, often acting as a conduit for illicit activities that undermine good governance. The Zondo Commission Report highlights this troubling dynamic, noting that 'corruption in the private sector often facilitates public sector corruption, creating a corrupt symbiosis that hampers economic development'. This is also a problem identified at the global level in Transparency International's Annual Corruption Perception Index. The Zondo report also underscores how 'businesses have sometimes engaged in practices such as bribery, nepotism and fraud to secure contracts and influence government decisions'. Influential reports, including the High-Level Panel on the Assessment of Key Legislation and the Public Protector's reports, further emphasise the depth of private sector involvement. These insights reveal a pattern where the private sector's complicity in corrupt activities sustains a cycle that debilitates South Africa's democracy and economic stability. Just like we never stopped until the shop closed, indications are that the corrupt private sector players will never stop until this country's public finances, economy and the state collapse completely. The shareholders of these companies often do not live in South Africa and so feel that they can simply offload the costs of corruption on to our society while laughing all the way to the (foreign) bank. Reverend Maguma's hands-off approach, his blind trust in his sons, his distraction and lack of consequent management didn't help the situation. He let his sons continue working the till when they didn't have the moral clarity, commitment to the family business and maturity to handle the business. It is the same with President Cyril Ramaphosa and his government. Many of the people in senior and influential positions have neither the ethical underpinnings nor the love for the people and commitment to the country's growth that is needed to lift us up from the morass we are currently in. There appear to be no immediate and visible negative consequences for corruption for the most part. Priorities The distraction of so many priorities is another detrimental factor facing our country. Our country should have only six, namely: Grow the economy; Reduce unemployment; End corruption; Prevent and deal with crime; Sort out the immigration crisis; and Improve the quality of our education. We don't need another dialogue. We need a focus on implementing strategies that deal effectively with these six priorities. When I was growing up, we used to look after cows, and we also used to play with dogs. Cows and dogs used to have ticks. Now and then, there was a certain type of tick that would go to some of the most hidden parts of your body and get stuck in, sucking your blood. They were very difficult to remove. Sometimes, even if you took a pair of scissors to cut it, the head would remain stuck. That was until you found someone with the patience to take it out completely. The stubborn ticks that are sucking South Africa dry are corrupt public and private sector collaborators. They are embedded deep into the fibre of the state machinery. Until we have a leadership that will decisively remove them (and is not itself complicit), our country is doomed. Both public and private sector corruption are serious problems in South Africa, and they are often intertwined. While public sector corruption may have a broader impact on society and governance, private sector corruption can be just as damaging in terms of economic distortions and unfair practices. Addressing both types of corruption requires a multi-faceted approach involving stronger regulation, increased transparency and greater accountability in both the public and private sectors. As citizens, our responsibility is to expose both, first by not participating in it and second, by reporting it. This is what Daily Maverick investigative journalist Pieter-Louis Myburgh did when the suspended Independent Development Trust, Tebogo Malaka and her spokesperson Phasha Makgolane allegedly tried to bribe him.
Mail & Guardian
12-07-2025
- Mail & Guardian
Mining's revival must also deal with its legacy
New social contract due: Mining's harms are mainly to the environment – water, air, and soil, for example – but these have consequences for mining affected communities' health and their land. Photo: Delwyn Verasamy Mining is still central to the South African economy. It employs roughly 480 000 people directly. With an estimated dependency ratio of 10 to one, the industry essentially supports close to five million people. That's a twelfth of the country's population. Demand for minerals and metals is not slowing down. But our gold mining sector will close down at some stage — even current high gold prices cannot sustain going deeper because of safety risks and the associated expense. There will come a point where marginal cost exceeds marginal benefit. Outside of gold, South Africa should be a global mining powerhouse. For the past 20 years, however, there has been very little exploration or production expansion investment. In partnership with Mining Dialogues 360°, Good Governance Africa set out to explore what it would take to revive the mining industry and ensure that it becomes the catalyst for broad-based development. It became clear that the country needs a new vision for mining that will reconcile conflicting interests that seem to perennially be at loggerheads with each other. Any new vision needs to begin with the end in mind; what do we want mining to do for the country? We can all wax lyrical about that, but there's an obstacle that must be dealt with first. Mining has an awful history in South Africa of imposing severe negative externalities onto both society and the environment. These are the divergences between private returns and social costs. In other words, companies mine and sell gold, reporting profits in the process, but they pollute rivers, create sinkholes, precipitate acid mine drainage, exploit labour and damage the social fabric of society in the process. None of these ecological and social costs are recorded in company financial statements. This speaks to a broader global problem, but it's particularly acute in mining, especially here at home. It's often mine-adjacent communities that bear the brunt of this malaise. In South Africa, migrant labour exacerbates the social costs on two fronts. First, many workers who migrate to the mines end up supporting two families; HIV proliferation has been extensive as a result. Second, many workers end up retiring to the former homelands and dying soon thereafter of silicosis or some other mining-related illness. The social costs of mining are clearly immeasurable and significant. At our most recent dialogue, civil society representatives expressed the view that the industry seems to be geared towards short-term production targets and immediate profitability at the expense of long-term (ecologically sound) thinking and optimal wealth generation for all stakeholders. Strategies to attain consensus — and then execute on — a new vision need to be informed by meaningful discussions, not mere consultation as some kind of box-ticking exercise. Moreover, free, prior and informed consent should be continually sought, underwritten by an acknowledgement that 'no' to mining is also a legitimate response from mine-affected or potentially affected communities. They are often left without solutions to the problems created by mining, and this needs to be addressed through purposeful discussions, not cursory consultations that amount to people being told what is going to happen to them. Many of the harms mining causes are environmental. Regulations exist to prevent such harm, but enforcement is inconsistent. Even when the legal framework is strong, communities often lack the knowledge and tools to hold companies accountable. This asymmetry fosters moral hazard: companies externalise harm while reporting profit. Bridging these gaps requires education, in local languages, to empower rights-based action. Beyond legal compliance, mining companies frequently bypass meaningful engagement. Social and labour plans (SLPs), meant to channel mining benefits into development, are often drawn up with minimal community involvement. The process is top-down, consultative in name only, and poorly documented. The SLPs are frequently geographically misaligned, excluding communities downstream of operations who still suffer the effects of pollution. They also rarely prepare labour for life after mining. The result is development that is poorly targeted, unaccountable and unsustainable. Some companies worsen these dynamics by co-opting local activists or working through pliant intermediaries, fuelling internal divisions. This divide-and-rule approach minimises risk for companies but leaves communities fragmented and disempowered. The SLPs then become tools of corporate image management rather than genuine vehicles for transformation. Often, they fund short-lived projects that decline and often collapse once the mine closes, unlinked to local integrated development plans (IDPs). Even where integration is attempted, weak municipal IDPs render it ineffective. Greenwashing is common. Companies promote their environmental, social and governance credentials, but scrutiny reveals minimal ecological remediation, long-term plans for restoration and socio-economic upliftment. Executives typically stay removed from community realities, unwilling to talk to residents and local authorities. This maintains a status quo in which firms pursue reputational insulation over authentic partnership. For communities, this entrenches an adversarial stance. Trust is absent where engagement is asymmetric. In the absence of viable livelihood alternatives, some residents resort to informal mining. Labelling them 'illegal' dehumanises people who are often driven by survival or coerced into impossible positions by organised crime bosses. The official response, including recent commentary after the Stilfontein disaster, has lacked empathy and insight. It's no surprise that resentment festers where people are treated as expendable. A political culture defined by patronage and corruption fails to meet the complexity of this problem. Land dispossession remains largely unresolved. Many mine-affected communities still have no title deeds, decades after democracy. That dispossession underpins the call for resource nationalism, especially among the young and disillusioned. There are strong veins of resentment here into which unscrupulous politicians can tap. While social grants may suppress open rebellion — some dialogue members mused whether welfare hadn't placated revolution — frustration simmers. Without structural change based on policy reform, the call for redress will grow louder. Efforts to build unified community responses face further obstacles. Activists expressed disillusionment with NGOs that impose external agendas. Some community gatekeepers, meanwhile, have been accused of colluding with mining firms or of blocking access to resources. Mining companies often work with whoever shouts the loudest, further muddying accountability. These dynamics prevent the emergence of a coherent response voice. Communities are not homogeneous, nor should we expect them to be, but this should not hinder the expression of a heterogeneous set of voices. The solution requires recognising that power is layered. Without coordination and organisation, communities remain vulnerable to fragmentation, as they struggle to build countervailing power. Yet unity is hard to achieve when trust is scarce and gatekeepers act in their own interest. Still, any serious vision for the sector must support such coordination as the basis for accountability and equitable negotiation. Two distinct imperatives shape mining's future. On one highway, government and industry seek investment-friendly conditions. On the other, communities seek restitution and opportunity. These paths need not be in conflict, but reconciliation demands a vision centred on shared prosperity. Capital must not be prioritised over labour and land. Community benefit must become a measure of mining's success. That shift requires credible, trackable metrics. One proposal is a national indicator for 'community well-being', with mining firms accountable for positive movement in that measure. This would reframe profitability to include social return, not just shareholder value. Others suggest revenue-sharing mechanisms such as Australia's 'royalties for regions' scheme. But concerns about corruption, especially in community trusts, remain valid. Without institutional reform, even well-designed systems can be subverted. A new social contract is overdue. Mining cannot continue to operate in enclaves of profit surrounded by poverty. It must embrace a model of co-determination with affected communities and acknowledge its historical legacy. That demands not just consultation but free, prior, informed and continued consent. It demands not just compliance, but transformation. Without these shifts, mining will remain a source of conflict instead of development. Ross Harvey is the chief research officer at Good Governance Africa (GGA)-SARO. Mining Dialogues 360° and GGA are hosting a plenary dialogue for all mining industry stakeholders on 29 July. To attend, please email
Daily Maverick
27-05-2025
- Daily Maverick
No one can live like this, say Ramaphosa informal settlement residents amid growing sanitation crisis
Residents of Ramaphosa informal settlement in Emfuleni are living through a deepening sanitation crisis, with portable toilets teeming with maggots, water taps running dry, and rubbish piling up in their streets, putting their health at risk. For months, residents of the Ramaphosa informal settlement in Vereeniging, located about 50 kilometres from Johannesburg, have been battling a serious sanitation crisis. Their portable toilets have not been cleaned, and some have become so badly infested with maggots that many have been left with no choice but to rely on the bucket system. Approximately 3,000 households live in the Ramaphosa informal settlement, where there is no formal housing, electricity, or proper roads. Although there are taps, residents say that water supply is inconsistent. With no access to electricity, most people use candles, paraffin lamps, and stoves for lighting and cooking. 'Some of us are women and it is very easy to get infections, so we had no choice but to use the buckets to relieve ourselves,' said Ayanda Mpuluseng. Mpuluseng has been a resident in the area since 2019. The settlement itself was the result of an illegal land occupation in 2018 and is named after the country's first citizen, Cyril Ramaphosa. It falls under the ailing Emfuleni Local Municipality. The municipality, encompassing Evaton, Sebokeng, Sharpeville, Boipatong, Bophelong and Tshepiso townships, remains one of the poorest performing municipalities in Gauteng province, as can be seen in Good Governance Africa's (GGA) Governance Performance Index from March 2025. Disgruntled residents On Monday, 26 May 2025, the Democratic Alliance conducted an oversight visit to the area. 'Please do the right thing,' shouted one resident to a DA delegation. As the delegation reached out to the man, Nicholas Ziyane, he shared the plight of his living conditions, pleading with them to bring about change. Ziyane initially scolded the delegation: 'Why do you come when you only want votes?' The delegation was quick to defend itself, saying this was not the case as elections were still far away. 'No one can live this, please help us sir,' Ziyane said. Another resident, Priscilla Sello, told the delegation that her toilet had been cleaned last week, after about four months of not being serviced. Although Sello was relieved that her toilet had finally been cleaned, she feared she might find herself in the same situation again. 'I am happy they came to clean, but they might come back again only after three months,' she said. Although most yards appear to have their own toilets Sello said this was not the case for everyone, saying she shared a toilet with about nine other households. The DA's Mervyn Cirota, an MPL and Gauteng Shadow MEC for Human Settlements, said: 'This is unacceptable and indicates the Gauteng government's lack of involvement in municipal affairs. 'The government's reactive approach only responds to crises when they hit the headlines — such as the recent attempts to empty the toilets in Ramaphosa informal settlement after public outrage. This is disappointing as these quick fixes do not address the real challenge,' Cirota said. ANC councillor Taliyana Zinyana said the sanitation problems in the area were longstanding because the provincial government failed to appoint service providers on time to clean and maintain the toilets. She said one company was hired to do the job from March to June 2025. After that, the province delayed appointing a new provider, leaving residents without any services for about two months, although some residents say it was as long as four months. Zinyana said the MMC for human settlements had since met with two previous service providers and asked them to help the community. Both had agreed to assist for now. It's still unclear when a new service provider will be officially appointed, as the provincial treasury has not yet approved the budget. 'At the moment I have no idea when it will be resolved, unless it has been communicated to the MMC or the MEC,' Zinyana said. 'It's a disaster' Water is another major challenge for the community. Some taps have been dry for months, forcing residents to depend on their neighbours for water. But even that isn't guaranteed, as some neighbours also face inconsistent water supply and sometimes refuse to share. Sizwe Basa, a resident wearing an ANC T-shirt featuring an image of Ramaphosa, said that despite the many challenges facing the community, he would continue to vote for the ANC. 'As you can see, my sister, nothing works here. We don't have electricity, we have the water sometimes, but I don't trust other politicians (from the DA). I think they just want the votes and nothing else,' Basa said. Just metres from the informal settlement is Rustervaal, a predominantly coloured community facing similar challenges — one of the biggest being illegal dumping, which residents say is taking a toll on their health. Marta Hermans, who was born and raised in the area, lives next to a dumping site used by both local residents and people from nearby informal settlements. 'Trash was last collected in January,' she said. 'It's bad because even our health is now compromised. My child is even now suffering from asthma because of this.' Hermans said residents had tried to clean the area themselves, but their efforts hadn't made much of a difference. 'Community members tried to clean up the dump, but that did not yield positive results as residents were forced to come back to the dump as trash is not collected,' she said. Facing the dumping site is a community church, part of which is used by the Lerato Dropping Centre, a non-profit organisation that provides breakfast and lunch to more than 350 children. The centre also helps disadvantaged children with homework and offers other support. Pitso Thomas and Yvonne McColen, who work at the centre, said the ongoing dumping problem made their work more difficult. 'The illegal dumping really affects the work we do because we are dealing with children here, and the sad part is that we clean daily but there is no difference. When health inspectors come, it looks like we are not clean,' said McColen. 'In summer, it is worse. It's a disaster, actually,' added Thomas. With local government elections set for 2026, most residents in the area feel despondent. Esther Bowers de Kork said she had lost faith in politicians. She was seen at an illegal dumping site where she had been forced to dispose of her waste due to the lack of refuse collection. Asked about waste collection, Zinyana said it was a serious challenge that the municipality had committed to resolving soon, but without giving any timeframes. Bowers de Kork also criticised the high levels of crime and the presence of illegal immigrants in the area. 'I do not vote any more because the government has failed me, not me alone but all of us.' EWN reported that Premier Panyaza Lesufi said it was unacceptable for the government to neglect basic services such as cleaning toilets. He has directed the provincial human settlements department to urgently address and resolve the sanitation crisis. 'I had a very not-so-nice meeting with the HOD and MEC of human settlements because this matter has been brought to my attention. We just need to attend to it and resolve it,' he said. DM
