&w=3840&q=100)
Trump, EU chief meet in Scotland to avert transatlantic trade war
US President Trump with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen during the 50th World Economic Forum (WEF) annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, January 21, 2020. File image/ Reuters
US President Donald Trump and EU chief Ursula von der Leyen planned to meet in Scotland on Sunday in an effort to resolve a months-long transatlantic trade dispute that is nearing its end.
Trump, who has threatened to impose punitive tariffs on dozens of nations unless they reach an agreement with Washington by August 1, has stated that he believes there is a 50/50 possibility of striking an agreement with the European Union.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
An all-encompassing charge of 30 percent from that date is presently threatening the EU.
Negotiating on behalf of the EU's member nations, von der Leyen's European Commission has been putting a lot of effort into reaching an agreement to preserve a trade relationship that generates $1.9 trillion in products and services annually.
Any deal with the United States will need approval by all 27 member states. EU ambassadors, on a visit to Greenland, were to meet Sunday morning to discuss the latest negotiations – and again after any accord.
Sunday's sit-down between Trump and the EU chief was to take place at 4:30 pm (1530 GMT) in Turnberry, on Scotland's southwestern coast, where Trump owns a luxury golf resort.
The 79-year-old American leader said Friday he hoped to strike 'the biggest deal of them all' with the EU.
'I think we have a good 50-50 chance' of a deal, the president said, citing sticking points on 'maybe 20 different things'.
He praised von der Leyen as 'a highly respected woman' – a far cry from his erstwhile hostility in accusing the EU of existing to 'screw' the United States.
But late-night EU talks with US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick on Saturday to hammer out the final details were 'combative at times,' The Financial Times reported.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
As of Saturday evening, there were 'still quite a few open questions' – notably on pharmaceutical sector tariffs, said one EU diplomat.
Tariff levels on the auto sector were also crucial for the Europeans – notably France and Germany – and the EU has been pushing for a compromise on steel that could allow a certain quota into the United States before tariffs would apply.
Baseline 15 percent
According to European diplomats, the deal on the table involves a baseline levy of around 15 percent on EU exports to the United States – the level secured by Japan – with carve-outs for critical sectors including aircraft, lumber and spirits excluding wine.
The EU would commit to ramp up purchases of US liquefied natural gas, along with a series of investment pledges.
Hit by multiple waves of tariffs since Trump reclaimed the White House, the EU is currently subject to a 25-percent levy on cars, 50 percent on steel and aluminium, and an across-the-board tariff of 10 percent, which Washington threatens to hike to 30 percent in a no-deal scenario.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
The EU has focused on getting a deal with Washington to avoid sweeping tariffs that would further harm its sluggish economy, with retaliation as a last resort.
While 15 percent would be much higher than pre-existing US tariffs on European goods – at 4.8 percent – it would mirror the status quo, with companies already facing an additional flat rate of 10 percent.
Should talks fail, EU states have greenlit counter tariffs on $109 billion (93 billion euros) of US goods including aircraft and cars to take effect in stages from August 7. Brussels is also drawing up a list of US services to potentially target.
Beyond that, countries like France say Brussels should not be afraid to deploy a so-called trade 'bazooka' – EU legislation designed to counter coercion through trade measures which involves restricting access to its market and public contracts.
But such a step would mark a major escalation with Washington.
Ratings dropping
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Trump has embarked since returning to power on a campaign to reshape US trade with the world.
But polls suggest the American public is unconvinced, with a recent Gallup survey showing his approval rating at 37 percent – down 10 points from January.
Having promised '90 deals in 90 days,' Trump's administration has so far unveiled five, including with Britain, Japan and the Philippines.
Early Sunday, ahead of his meeting with Von der Leyen, Trump was out again on the golf course, having spent most of Saturday playing at Turnberry amid tight security.
The trip to Scotland has put physical distance between Trump and the scandal around Jeffrey Epstein, the wealthy financier accused of sex trafficking who died in prison in 2019 before facing trial.
In his heyday, Epstein was friends with Trump and others in the New York jet-set, but the president is facing backlash from his own MAGA supporters demanding access to the Epstein case files.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
With the uproar refusing to die down, a headline agreement with the EU – in addition to bolstering Trump's dealmaker credentials – could bring a welcome distraction.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Time of India
13 minutes ago
- Time of India
US, China and Russia: Navigating the superpower trilemma
Today, Indian foreign policy discourse is mired in an important debate. Two key assumptions govern this debate: that New Delhi's ties with the US arguably constitute its most important relationship in the 21st century, and that any negotiations with Beijing are a signal of weakness. India-US relations are undergoing a tense phase. The tensions have primarily been instigated by US President Donald Trump's decision to impose a 25% tariff on India, and an additional, 'unspecified penalty' for continuing to buy energy resources from Russia. His social media comments have gone so far as to refer to both India and Russia as 'dead economies.' Naturally, this has called into question the time-tested nature of the partnership in the face of the 'China challenge'. With the US-China equation changing, India has to balance ties with both as well as work towards its own national interests Speaking of China, after a long period of severed dialogue, postures on both sides have slightly relaxed, though the road to stability vis-à-vis the border issue, or even China's backing of Pakistan, is long and winding. Nonetheless, communication and negotiation between the two neighbours is underway, and is perhaps a welcome break from the silent-but-violent treatment. Besides the volatility in New Delhi's ties with the two superpowers, there exists a bilateral dynamic between the US and China, which vitally impacts India. An intense back-and-forth of escalating tariffs ensued between the two economic giants earlier this year. Yet, Trump's recent statements seem to suggest that a trade deal with Beijing is in the works. So how does that affect India? So far, India has believed that Trump's continued dissatisfaction with Beijing will be a core aspect of mutual convergence between itself and the US. This definitely was the case under the Joe Biden administration. But if anything is certain about Trump, it is that nothing, indeed, is certain. So, the US and China may not be entering a friendly phase, but they sure are inching toward some semblance of stability. The dynamics of this fateful triangle require that India think in its national interests— sustained economic growth and security of its territory from both external and internal threats. And as PM Modi himself remarked in an interview in 2023, '[The] foremost guiding principle in foreign affairs is our country's national interest.' This begs the question: How should New Delhi balance the nuances of its ties with the US and China and the repercussions of their own thaw, while working to achieve its national interests? One way is not to believe that negotiations with China signal weakness. This anxiety is likely to play up as New Delhi and Beijing negotiate. Most recently, India has eased tourism rules, while China has opened up access for Indians to undertake the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra. To a great degree, India's geographical, economic and military constraints require that communication with Beijing continue for sustainable security to be achieved. This is not to say that India should give up its confident posture, or discontinue investments in de-risking or border security. It is also not a call for it to shed its affinity for the US. But the steps toward a thaw with Beijing — high-level political conversations, ministerial-level dialogues, and working mechanism consultations on the border — are necessary. And at a time when Trump seems to be prepared to meet the 'China challenge' alone, India must figure its own way out to do the same. Second, is to evaluate costs when it comes to fulfilling its energy requirements through purchases from Russia. The affordability of such purchases, and the historic nature of ties with Moscow (especially in defence), make it a vital partner to New Delhi. However, Trump is prioritising reciprocal access to the Indian market over having a vital partner in the Indo-Pacific. And in a world where the US is vastly more powerful than India — or in most aspects, even China — much of what Trump says, goes. So the question is, where is the common ground between India not shedding its friendship with Russia, not risking insurmountable tariffs from the US, and not enabling China's unchecked regional power? The intertwined interests of economic growth and stable security seem orthogonal in this situation. But it is important to face facts. If it wasn't buying oil from Russia, India would still get the tariff slap. If there was great openness in the Indian dairy and agricultural markets, which Trump consistently demands, there would still be an 'unspecified penalty' for trading with Russia. So, the acknowledgement that there is no absolute win-win, is essential. It boils down to assessing what is more harmful — not making any adjustments to the trade numbers with Russia, or the US. It is also important to acknowledge the trade-offs — if there is a significant reduction in the imports of oil and/or defence equipment from Russia, and the US becomes the preferred alternative source of imports, Moscow may become unabashed in its support for China in its disputes with India. If trade with Russia continues as is, India shall face agonistic tariffs under Donald Trump and an overall lack of support in regional geopolitics. It is indeed true that India's tariffs continue to remain high, market openness is low, and domestic innovation and production capability face challenges. Hence, is the first step to addressing the above mentioned dilemma to take difficult steps towards phased openness? Most likely. It may assuage Trump's concerns about the US's trade deficit, without creating many troubles in India-Russia relations. Finally, the worrisome trend of self-reliance across the globe is leaving fewer alternatives for India to replace its dependencies on the US, China, or Russia. Where it gets affordable imports, it faces controversial dilemmas. Where it sees a strong partner, it faces chiding and deriding. So, moving forward, even as the willingness to negotiate diplomatically must continue, India must invest in its own trajectory toward economic and military modernisation. Illustration credit: Illustration by Chad Crowe (USA) Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.


Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Trump push drives stablecoin urgency in Asian financial hubs
. . . 1 2 Asian markets are hurriedly updating their stablecoin rules as President Donald Trump's embrace of US dollar-pegged cryptocurrencies instils a fresh sense of urgency among the region's authorities. Recent developments in South Korea, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines point to a proliferation of stablecoins pegged to Asian currencies - even as authorities raise concerns about capital outflows. Regional heavyweights like and Ant Group plan to capitalise by applying to become issuers. Shares in Kakaopay ballooned on expectations that it would do the same. Even China, which has for years imposed a sweeping crypto ban, appears to be warming to the notion of tokens that serve as yuan surrogates. It all stems from the US, where lawmakers recently passed legislation that will promote wider use of digital tokens that seek to maintain a 1:1 peg with the dollar. The White House earmarked dollar stablecoins as a priority in a Jan executive order, days after Trump's inauguration. "The Genius Act has opened the floodgates for stablecoin adoption," said Benjamin Grolimund, general manager for the UAE at crypto exchange Flipster. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 15+ Food That Clean Arteries (Most People Ignore) Undo "Whether you support it or not, stablecoins are now unavoidable." Overhanging Asia's flurry of activity is the fear of capital flight. The dollar reigns supreme in today's stablecoin market, with $256 billion in tokens pegged to the greenback. These maintain their price by managing reserves of cash-like assets, such as US Treasuries. By contrast, there's just $403 million of euro-backed stablecoins in circulation, despite a well established regulatory framework covering such products in the form of the Markets in Crypto-Assets Regulation regime. The crypto-curious nation of South Korea offers a case-in-point. Koreans are already piling into dollar-pegged stablecoins. Transactions involving USDT, USDC and USDS - three of the largest dollar proxies - on five domestic exchanges reached 57 trillion won ($41 billion) in the first quarter, Yonhap News reported, citing Bank of Korea. While China's next steps are far from certain, crypto firms including brokers are already preparing for the prospect of yuan-pegged stablecoins. Kennix Chan, VP at Victory Securities, said the firm is in active talks with a range of would-be issuers in Hong Kong. Stay informed with the latest business news, updates on bank holidays and public holidays . Discover stories of India's leading eco-innovators at Ecopreneur Honours 2025


Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
Kal Penn at Express Adda: ‘In content creation, people taking fewer risks… It (art) needs to be subjective'
Talking about his nearly three decade-long career in Hollywood, Kal Penn, American actor-producer of Indian origin, said that he stands on the shoulders of so many Indian and South Asian diaspora actors who are older than him by 40-50 years and whose names people don't know because they never had the opportunities that he had. 'I had those opportunities because of the doors that they kicked down in Hollywood,' he said, emphasising that contrary to popular perception, there was no 'overnight switch' that created platforms for diaspora artists. Penn, also an author, TV show host and former White House staffer, was in conversation with Anant Goenka, Executive Director, The Indian Express Group, at the Express Adda in Mumbai on Friday. 'It is easy to use a 2025 microscope and say I should have done that in 1998,' said Penn, recalling that he was told he couldn't study acting and was called a 'sell-out' for choosing to pursue theatre and arts. Talking about his early films, he said: 'People ask me if I regret playing the character of Taj Mahal in Van Wilder (2002), a teen sex comedy. I always say, first of all, you are welcome. Because without that, there would be no Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle (2004). And without that, I would not have got The Namesake (2006).' It was Mira Nair's then 14-year-old son Zohran Mamdani, who is now a New York State Assembly member running for Mayor, who suggested Penn's name for The Namesake. Asked about 'liberalism in Hollywood', Penn said: 'It is the same liberalism you see supporting (Joe) Biden and (Kamala) Harris in their assault on Gaza, which is not that different from Donald Trump and JD Vance's assault on Gaza. If you care about human rights, you see a distinct line, but I don't see one with liberals in general. If you see what the Democratic Party has been doing on that particular issue, wages or taxation with a select few states, they have not really been wonderful in the way that true progressives have been.' The actor, who wears many hats, served as White House staff member in the Barack Obama administration. Looking back at the Obama administration, Penn said he wished more had been done to secure public arts institutions. 'We gave in to the fear-mongering around funding the arts. Now those institutions are getting dismantled,' he said. Commenting on the contemporary entertainment scenario, Penn said: 'In content creation, people are taking fewer risks now. That's why there is the perception that the lowest common denominator is the only thing that is being made now… It (art) needs to be subjective and not everything should be for everybody. I am not precious about the stuff I watch or the genres I want to be in. If I like a script or a story, that is enough. One of the challenges we are facing now is, if something does not appeal to business leaders or financiers think it should appeal to… it may not get greenlit. I hope that changes because that's when you see more interesting content.' While stand-up comics have come under the scanner in India and the US, the actor made it clear that he appreciates the work of those who have an authentic voice. 'It does not mean I have to share their lived experience. It means that I find their style of storytelling vulnerable, authentic and fun to watch,' he said. Commenting on the rise of incidents when people are offended by comedians, he said he does not understand the extreme reaction. 'Sometimes, we misunderstand what getting cancelled means. Then, on other occasions, a comedian makes regressive jokes which upset people. I understand that. But as a relative purist, ideally I would defend the right to free speech even if that (the joke) bothers me.' Connecting the growth of Indian streaming content to global creative trends, he praised shows like Delhi Crime and Made in Heaven for handling complex themes without pretending to represent a single, simplified idea of India. 'What excites me the most is how Indian creators are making space for stories that are messy, local, honest, sometimes deeply political, sometimes just weird and joyful,' he said. Asked about South Asian solidarity, especially between Indian and Pakistani artists abroad, he said: 'There is a shared experience among the diaspora. There are some divisions that exist on the sub-continent… there is also an undercurrent of the same stigmatisation that we all go through. Not just actors, but Nepali filmmakers and Sri Lankan creative people.' The Express Adda is a series of informal interactions organised by The Indian Express Group and features those at the centre of change. Previous guests at the Adda include Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, philanthropist Bill Gates, actors Pankaj Tripathi and Tabu, oncologist and writer Siddhartha Mukherjee, musician T M Krishna, ecologist Romulus Whitaker and writer William Dalrymple.