Kanjikeerai, a marker of acculturating identity
Image: 1860 Heritage Centre
Kanjikeerai is a staple meal in the homes of many descendants of Indian Indentured workers living in South Africa. A delicious meal blending a cacophony of flavours from pungent to sweet, sour, bitter, and salty, it is further embellished with a crumble-like tactile texture of crispy fried dried fish. Made with the water-lily type Itebe herb, which is popular among the AmaZulu culture in KwaZulu-Natal, kanjikeerai is a marker of acculturated identity.
The food culture of the system of indenture makes for interesting reading. It is an area of focus that marks a lacuna in the historiography of indenture.
Professor Ashutosh Kumar of Banaras University fills this gap with a seminal study called Feeding the Girmitya: Food and Drink on Indentured Ships to the Sugar Colonies.
Kumar's paper gives phenomenal insight into the food of the indentured passengers on the sea voyages during the 18th and 19th centuries, drawing on archival records of food rations found in the ship logs as well as oral testimonies of girmitiyas' autobiographies by Baba Ramchandra and Totaram Sanadhya from Fiji and Munshi Rahman Khan from Surinam.
Itebe herbs
Image: Supplied
Professor Kumar notes that 'by the 1880s, many labourers traveling on the colonial ships had begun to complain to officials about the foods they were issued on board. For instance, some of these emigrants demanded rice, while others insisted that chapatis be provided to satiate their hunger during the long sea voyage. The colonial office investigated this debate over starch and sustenance. Such dietary negotiations positioned the labour ship as a unique space within Indian colonial society; yielding to individual tastes and regional identities, this new space was free from the caste rules that typically governed dining practices in the subcontinent'.
In his biography titled Jiwan Prakash, Munshi Rahman Khan, an indentured labourer in Surinam, maintained that it was not possible to maintain the caste hierarchy of eating under the indenture system.
Kanjikeerai with Karuvadu (dry fish)
Image: Supplied
Khan gives a detailed description of the food that indentured workers received during their journey from the countryside to Calcutta, at the port of embarkation, and then on the sea voyage. He acknowledged that until reaching the central coolie depot at Calcutta, indentured laborers received raw food material and prepared their own food, maintaining all caste and hierarchical differences; once they reached the Calcutta depot, however, they had to forget caste and hierarchy while dining.
Khan writes: 'Till we reach here [Calcutta], we were allowed to cook our own meals as we pleased, as we were given raw food materials. Everyone followed his own rituals and systems. They wore their Janeu (sacred thread), tikka (forehead mark), Kanthi Mala (sacred necklace), etc., according to her/his caste and religion, and followed the system of caste and creed. They had managed to preserve their religious sanctity.'
Sour Dhall, green beans and potato.
Image: Supplied
Beyond the kala pani (dark ocean waters), the study of food culture on the plantations where workers were indentured receives even limited scholarship, except for writing on Murungakkai keerai and its entangled human connectivity with a study titled Greener on the other side: tracing stories of amaranth and moringa through indenture by Pralini Naidoo.
On the plantations, dhall, rice, and salted dried fish were the agreed ration for Indentured labourers while they toiled on the sugarcane plantations. In Natal, plantation owners substituted rations with cheaper ingredients that were foreign to workers. Mielie meal was substituted for rice, and more than often, food rations were withheld for the slightest infringements, leveraging power for increased labour production.
Khichdi with potato curry.
Image: Supplied
Learning to adapt to a foreign land, these labourers learned how to incorporate African food ingredients like maize meal and amadumbe to make their meals palatable. For them, little was enough for a feast. Immediately after the beastly exercise of quarantine, indentured workers were shepherded to plantations very often fifty to a hundred miles away. The terrain and vegetation were different from those that they encountered in either the Southern or Northern parts of India.
Their basic meals came in the form of rations that included dhall and rice or mielie meal. Rations sometimes arrived late or not at all, forcing people to forage in the forest, picking all varieties of herbs, fruit, and tubers. The tasty yam called amadumbe was boiled, roasted, or curried. Similarly, green bananas became fritters or grated as a curry. Mangoes could be curried either sweet, sour, or pickled.
Gem squashes take form as a deceptive substitute for meat or fish, especially when soured with tamarind or green mangoes. Rice, which is a staple throughout Asia, was in short supply. Indians made amends. Mealies were pounded into fine grains. When slow-boiled, it looked very much like rice with mielie rice Khitchdi being a firm favourite, even amongst present-day descendants of indentured ancestry.
Sometimes turmeric or tamarind was added to vary the flavour. With meat either being very expensive or entirely out of reach, salted and dried fish added to a tomato chutney became a routine accompaniment to the mealie rice. In fact, that simple meal has become so sought-after that one can find it on the menu of prime eating establishments like the Britannia Hotel in Durban. A coarser ground mealie grain called samp was an established part of Zulu cuisine. Indians spiced up samp with chilies and other condiments. Curried samp, nowadays frequently cooked with beans or meat, is a prized dish.
The grinding implements are also very similar to the Zulu and Indian methods. In Tamil, the 'ammikal' is a flat granite stone that is accompanied by a rolling pin-type of stone. The 'worral' is a standing receptacle in stone, wood, or metal, the contents of which are pounded by a pole-like tool. Variations of the same are found in any traditional Zulu household.
One dish that has the same name in both the Tamil and Zulu languages is 'phutu'. Its pronunciation may vary slightly, but in terms of cooking method and taste, it is the same dish. It is commonly eaten with a soured milk called 'amasi' in Zulu, which is hardly different from the curd in Indian cooking. The curd has a cooling effect on the stomach, with the probiotics aiding digestion. The common ground in cooking traditions is potentially a fascinating area of inquiry that demonstrates that there is more that unites South Africans than divides them.
Selvan Naidoo
Image: File
Selvan Naidoo is the co-author of The Indian Africans together with Paul David, Kiru Naidoo, and Ranjith Choonilal.
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IOL News
25-07-2025
- IOL News
Kanjikeerai, a marker of acculturating identity
Children being fed on board Ships of Indenture early 1900s. Image: 1860 Heritage Centre Kanjikeerai is a staple meal in the homes of many descendants of Indian Indentured workers living in South Africa. A delicious meal blending a cacophony of flavours from pungent to sweet, sour, bitter, and salty, it is further embellished with a crumble-like tactile texture of crispy fried dried fish. Made with the water-lily type Itebe herb, which is popular among the AmaZulu culture in KwaZulu-Natal, kanjikeerai is a marker of acculturated identity. The food culture of the system of indenture makes for interesting reading. It is an area of focus that marks a lacuna in the historiography of indenture. Professor Ashutosh Kumar of Banaras University fills this gap with a seminal study called Feeding the Girmitya: Food and Drink on Indentured Ships to the Sugar Colonies. Kumar's paper gives phenomenal insight into the food of the indentured passengers on the sea voyages during the 18th and 19th centuries, drawing on archival records of food rations found in the ship logs as well as oral testimonies of girmitiyas' autobiographies by Baba Ramchandra and Totaram Sanadhya from Fiji and Munshi Rahman Khan from Surinam. Itebe herbs Image: Supplied Professor Kumar notes that 'by the 1880s, many labourers traveling on the colonial ships had begun to complain to officials about the foods they were issued on board. For instance, some of these emigrants demanded rice, while others insisted that chapatis be provided to satiate their hunger during the long sea voyage. The colonial office investigated this debate over starch and sustenance. Such dietary negotiations positioned the labour ship as a unique space within Indian colonial society; yielding to individual tastes and regional identities, this new space was free from the caste rules that typically governed dining practices in the subcontinent'. In his biography titled Jiwan Prakash, Munshi Rahman Khan, an indentured labourer in Surinam, maintained that it was not possible to maintain the caste hierarchy of eating under the indenture system. Kanjikeerai with Karuvadu (dry fish) Image: Supplied Khan gives a detailed description of the food that indentured workers received during their journey from the countryside to Calcutta, at the port of embarkation, and then on the sea voyage. He acknowledged that until reaching the central coolie depot at Calcutta, indentured laborers received raw food material and prepared their own food, maintaining all caste and hierarchical differences; once they reached the Calcutta depot, however, they had to forget caste and hierarchy while dining. Khan writes: 'Till we reach here [Calcutta], we were allowed to cook our own meals as we pleased, as we were given raw food materials. Everyone followed his own rituals and systems. They wore their Janeu (sacred thread), tikka (forehead mark), Kanthi Mala (sacred necklace), etc., according to her/his caste and religion, and followed the system of caste and creed. They had managed to preserve their religious sanctity.' Sour Dhall, green beans and potato. Image: Supplied Beyond the kala pani (dark ocean waters), the study of food culture on the plantations where workers were indentured receives even limited scholarship, except for writing on Murungakkai keerai and its entangled human connectivity with a study titled Greener on the other side: tracing stories of amaranth and moringa through indenture by Pralini Naidoo. On the plantations, dhall, rice, and salted dried fish were the agreed ration for Indentured labourers while they toiled on the sugarcane plantations. In Natal, plantation owners substituted rations with cheaper ingredients that were foreign to workers. Mielie meal was substituted for rice, and more than often, food rations were withheld for the slightest infringements, leveraging power for increased labour production. Khichdi with potato curry. Image: Supplied Learning to adapt to a foreign land, these labourers learned how to incorporate African food ingredients like maize meal and amadumbe to make their meals palatable. For them, little was enough for a feast. Immediately after the beastly exercise of quarantine, indentured workers were shepherded to plantations very often fifty to a hundred miles away. The terrain and vegetation were different from those that they encountered in either the Southern or Northern parts of India. Their basic meals came in the form of rations that included dhall and rice or mielie meal. Rations sometimes arrived late or not at all, forcing people to forage in the forest, picking all varieties of herbs, fruit, and tubers. The tasty yam called amadumbe was boiled, roasted, or curried. Similarly, green bananas became fritters or grated as a curry. Mangoes could be curried either sweet, sour, or pickled. Gem squashes take form as a deceptive substitute for meat or fish, especially when soured with tamarind or green mangoes. Rice, which is a staple throughout Asia, was in short supply. Indians made amends. Mealies were pounded into fine grains. When slow-boiled, it looked very much like rice with mielie rice Khitchdi being a firm favourite, even amongst present-day descendants of indentured ancestry. Sometimes turmeric or tamarind was added to vary the flavour. With meat either being very expensive or entirely out of reach, salted and dried fish added to a tomato chutney became a routine accompaniment to the mealie rice. In fact, that simple meal has become so sought-after that one can find it on the menu of prime eating establishments like the Britannia Hotel in Durban. A coarser ground mealie grain called samp was an established part of Zulu cuisine. Indians spiced up samp with chilies and other condiments. Curried samp, nowadays frequently cooked with beans or meat, is a prized dish. The grinding implements are also very similar to the Zulu and Indian methods. In Tamil, the 'ammikal' is a flat granite stone that is accompanied by a rolling pin-type of stone. The 'worral' is a standing receptacle in stone, wood, or metal, the contents of which are pounded by a pole-like tool. Variations of the same are found in any traditional Zulu household. One dish that has the same name in both the Tamil and Zulu languages is 'phutu'. Its pronunciation may vary slightly, but in terms of cooking method and taste, it is the same dish. It is commonly eaten with a soured milk called 'amasi' in Zulu, which is hardly different from the curd in Indian cooking. The curd has a cooling effect on the stomach, with the probiotics aiding digestion. The common ground in cooking traditions is potentially a fascinating area of inquiry that demonstrates that there is more that unites South Africans than divides them. Selvan Naidoo Image: File Selvan Naidoo is the co-author of The Indian Africans together with Paul David, Kiru Naidoo, and Ranjith Choonilal. THE POST

IOL News
08-07-2025
- IOL News
Professor Kapil Kumar to discuss book 'Revealing Suppressed Realities' at Durban workshop on Girmitiya diaspora
Professor Kapil Kumar from New Delhi will be discussing his book 'Colonial Plantations & Indian Indenturers: Revealing Suppressed Realities' Image: Supplied Professor Kapil Kumar from New Delhi will be discussing his book 'Colonial Plantations & Indian Indenturers: Revealing Suppressed Realities' virtually at the 'The Girmitiya Diaspora in 2025: Identity, challenges and shaping our future' workshop this Saturday. The Global Girmitiya Centre of South Africa is inviting the public to attend the workshop which is set to take place on July 12 at L'Aperitivo - The Auroras, 9 Aurora Dr, Umhlanga Ridge, Durban. The workshop will include participation from: Shri Ravindra Dev (Guyana) – Identity & cohesion, Professor (Dr) Sandili Ramdial- Maharaj (Trinidad) – The psyche of the oppressed & oppressor: Girmitiya experience Professor Kapil Kumar (New Delhi) – Revealing suppressed realities Professor Ganesh Chand (Fiji) – The way forward Bugsy Singh (South Africa) – Girmitiya in SA & facilitation The Global Girmitiya Centre of SA (affiliated to the Global Girmitiya Institute) was established to highlight the South African Girmitiya's history, challenges, heroes and role in the pursuit of social cohesion and nation-building – and to liaise with Girmitiya populations in the diaspora. The book, which Professor Kumar co-edited with fellow participant, Dr Sandili Ramdial-Maharaj from Trinidad, seeks to provide an alternative to the established colonial narrative on Indenture labour history. The book highlights how the plantation economies, to save themselves from ruin after the abolition of slavery, re-packaged it in the form of indentured labour. Professor Kapil Kumar from New Delhi will be discussing his book 'Colonial Plantations & Indian Indenturers: Revealing Suppressed Realities' virtually. Image: Professor Kapil Kumar/Facebook 'To procure it, India was converted into the biggest market. Oppressive practices, deceit, manipulations, false promises and allurements - the established colonial tools were operationalised to facilitate smooth flow of labour under the garb of agreements, converting India into the biggest labour-recruiting nation. 'The agonies of this new human trading were not confined to economic aspects alone. It generated wider and serious social, religious and psychological implications for the Indian community in alien lands, which has been described as the trauma of the Indenturers by Dr. Sandili Maharaj-Ramdial,' a book summary reads. 'This trauma emerged from the recruitment methods, long hard ship journeys, betrayals of so-called agreements, separations from loved ones and the toiling conditions in plantations spread over in Trinidad, Guyana, Suriname, Mauritius and Fijil etc.' Professor Kumar said the reason why he argues that indentured labourers were the same as slaves is that the working conditions did not change. He mentioned that the restrictions placed on them at the colony plantations were the same as that of the slaves. 'A labourer from one plantation could not move to the other plantation without permission. 'And also, the way that families were parted - The husband would go to another plantation while the wife would go to another plantation, and the children would likely be sent to some other place. 'So all these kinds of things, among others, were suppressed in colonial history and geography,' Kumar said. He later added that one of the worst things was how, after its abolishment, when the indentured labourers wanted India to help them, 'they were denied it' and that they were told they 'are not the citizens of India, we can't help you.' 'And the question there is, none of them had given up their Indian citizenship when they went to the other countries, and none had gone on passports or anything. They were refused help.' He added that history is not just the study of the past or the dead, but that it shows how the present has evolved. 'The idea is to let the present generations also know their ancestors toiled to make them what they are today. It is not that the present diaspora, and all its descendants, fell from the sky.'

IOL News
13-05-2025
- IOL News
The orphaned children of indenture
CHILDREN worked on the Hulett tea plantation, Kearsney, Stanger, in the early 1900s. Image: 1860 Heritage Centre TWENTY-four-year-old Gollapilli Durgy, indentured number 107821, died two years after she arrived as an indentured worker on board the Pongola from Madras in October 1904. The report of her death shows that she died at the Avoca Central Hospital on February 5, 1906, having suffered from complications that arose from severe dysentery. Durgy arrived with two children, a 7-year-old boy named Nagamma, indentured number 107822, and a 3-year-old female child, indentured number 107823, strangely named Nagamma as well. The family were indentured to the Natal Ltd, Mt Edgecombe, Verulam Sugar. In 1909, three years after Durgy had passed away, her children were apprenticed to a Mr AM Morel of Mt Edgecombe. Both children's names appeared on a Form of Contract in Apprenticing Destitute Children. The form indicated that the Protector of Indian Immigrants, James A Polkinghorne, signed the form on behalf of the children to be employed as domestic servants until they were 16 years of age, when they would be entitled to a free pass to seek other forms of employment wherever they wished. As apprentices, they were to be provided with suitable and sufficient food, washing, lodging and be paid two shillings each month. During this time of serving their apprenticeship, half their monthly wages would be paid into the Natal Government Savings Bank to be given to the children on completion of their apprenticeship on the date stipulated in the form. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Reading against the grain of the archival Form of Contract in Apprenticing Destitute Children document, we can deduce that orphaned and destitute children were part of the system of indenture from arrival to their employment placement, and were subsequently duty-bound and enslaved to a contract without volition. In this instance, Durgy's children were officially re-indentured on November 30, 1909, three years after she had passed away in 1906. A TEA estate at Kearsney, in the early 1900s. Image: 1860 Heritage Centre What was the legal status of the children during the three years after their mother passed? Who took care of the children during this time? Why was their Form of Apprenticeship signed three years after their mother had died? Was the Form of Contract in Apprenticing Destitute Children an administrative functionary of the system of indenture to hide the horror of recruiting and holding children to work as adults in growing the colonial economy? Or was this an act of kindness on the part of the Morels in 'adopting' Durgy's children? Another case of the lingering psychological impact of indenture on children was disturbingly illustrated in the sad tale of 9-year-old Goyadin Mangal, indentured number 126109. Goyadin and his 1-year-old sister, Raj Kuaria, were orphaned when their mother died on the voyage of the Pongola to Natal from Calcutta in October 1906. Both children were apprenticed as destitute children to Charles J Battle in Kearsney. Four years later, in 1910, when Goyadin was 13 years of age, he was apprenticed for a second time to a Mr A Ireland as a domestic servant, with his apprenticeship to end when he turned 16 on October 29, 1913. The correspondence that followed in the archival files on Goyadin showed a letter from the Deputy Protector, dated October 30, 1912, requesting that the Protector of Indian Immigrants grant Goyadin a pass well before his 16th birthday. The letter further revealed that Mr A Ireland and Goyadin mutually wished to cancel the contract of apprenticeship. It was stated that: 'The boy has given his employer an amount of trouble, deserting, thieving, etc, and has been in gaol and whipped twice.' The Deputy Protector proceeded to give Goyadin a pass for 10 days pending hearing from the Protector of Indian Immigrants, stating that 'he is not suitable to be given to anyone else as a house servant. He is now 15 years of age and I (the Deputy Protector) think a pass might be given to him'. CHILDREN as young as 10 worked on the Hulett tea plantation at Kearsney, north of Durban,1900. Image: SS Singh Collection Goyadin was twice apprenticed from the age of 9 to 13. His apprenticeship showed the inner workings of the system of indenture in managing orphaned children. Goyadin's case revealed the harsh reality of the life of children having to endure being whipped and jailed for deserting their employers, and how their lives were entangled in a colonial system that only sought the provision of their labour while denying their humanity. Beyond the Form of Contract in Apprenticing Destitute Children, other documents made up the employment and use of children in the system of indenture. Sir Hulett and Sons Ltd of Kearsney in the North Coast of Natal strikingly had hundreds of Contracts of Service with Minor Indian Immigrants listed in their employment registers of indentured Indians. The Kearsney Tea estates notoriously preferred the nimble hands of children and women to pick the finest leaves for tea harvesting on their tea estate. Chitaroo, indentured no. 127653, an orphan with no relatives in Natal, was signed on behalf of Resident Magistrate PB Gobal to work as a general labourer for Hulett's for two years from 1912. In the two years that Chitaroo was to be employed, he was to earn 3 shillings per month for the first year, and 4 shillings per month for the second year, until he turned 16 years, when he was entitled to a free pass. CONTRACT of Service with Minor Indian Immigrants for Chitaroo, indenture number 127653. Image: Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository, Family Search The gap in the years that Chitaroo was formally contracted points to the illegal use of children hidden within the system of indenture, given that Chitaroo's mother, 28-year-old Mohari Fali, indentured number 127652, died in 1907, a year after the family of three arrived on board the Umfuli from Calcutta in 1906. Chitaroo only officially signed a contract of service in 1912 when he was 13 years of age. What was his status in the five years from when his mother had passed away in 1907, when he was 8 years of age, and what happened to his orphaned sister, who was lost to the archive? Was this administrative fulfilment of the Form of Contract in Apprenticing Destitute Children a way of masking the horrors of plantation life, and was this merely a tick-box exercise for the Protector of Indian Immigrants in managing orphaned and destitute children? In another matter that involved JL Hulett & Sons Ltd, a letter written from their estate to the Protector of Indian Immigrants dated June 11, 1910, disputes the wages of three boys, stating that they 'beg to point out that these people are mere boys, we cannot therefore offer them men's wages, as we pointed out on previous occasion, there is no compulsion in the matter and they (the boys) have expressed their willingness to accept the wages offered and are anxious to re-indenture on this estate'. The letter goes on to compel the Protector of Indian Immigrants, stating that 'if you (the Protector) are unwilling to consent to this, we are not prepared to take them on, on any other terms'. In a response dated June 15, 1910, the Protector noted that the wages for the 16-year-old boy should have been 16 shillings, the 14-year-old boy at 7 shillings, and the 11-year-old at 5 shillings. The Protector concluded by stating that: 'My difficulty has been that it is now proposed to give these Indians less wages than they should have received in the first term of indenture.' According to eminent scholar of indenture, Brij Vilash Lal, of the 152 184 indentured workers who came to expand the colonial capital of Natal in the 19th and 20th centuries, 13% were children, 62% were men, and 25% were women. Children were a strong component that made up the system of indenture. In 165 years since the introduction of indentured labour to South Africa and beyond, one poorly-researched topic is the subject of the child and the provision of their labour within the matrix of indenture. Despite ample evidence of abuse and exploitation of children during the system of indenture, the full extent of this human tragedy is yet to be made known to the world, close to three decades into the 21st century. Selvan Naidoo Image: Supplied Naidoo is the great-grandson of Camachee, indentured number 3297, and the director of the 1860 Heritage Centre. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media. The POST