Students urge SPPU to reinstate UPSC, MPSC special batch
Representatives from the university's Competitive Examination Centre (CEC), the National Students' Union of India (NSUI), the Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Post-Graduate Students Association (DAPSA), and the Maharashtra Republican Party Students' Front submitted a memorandum on August 6 to vice-chancellor Suresh Gosavi. The students have demanded that the batch, which previously catered to 52 aspirants each for the UPSC and MPSC, be restored in its earlier format without further delay.
According to the student leaders, the discontinued programme had a well-defined reservation policy, with 20 seats reserved for Scheduled Caste (SC) candidates and 10 for Scheduled Tribe (ST) candidates in each batch. However, since its suspension in 2022, the university has not offered an equivalent alternative at that time.
This year, SPPU introduced what it calls 'add-on batches' with 40 seats each for UPSC and MPSC preparation. Student groups allege that the revised structure has diluted the reservation benefits and introduced a steep, inequitable fee structure. Under the current new batch, students from reserved categories are required to pay ₹7,500, while those from the open category are charged ₹30,000.
'Not only has the intake been reduced, but the policy change undermines the principles of social justice and accessibility that the special batch represented,' said a student representative from DAPSA.
Members of NSUI and other groups also stressed that the original batch, being UGC-recognised, provided a more credible and structured platform for aspirants from diverse socio-economic backgrounds.
In an official notification issued on August 8, the competitive examination centre informed applicants that the admission process for the self-supporting 'add-on batch' (2025–26) has been suspended until further notice. Students who have already paid the fees have been advised to wait for further instructions, with the CEC assuring that they will be contacted in due course.
S Fazal D Firdausi, coordinator, CEC, said, 'The UPSC, MPSC special batch was originally planned under the UGC's 12th Plan. Later, in 2014, NITI Aayog took over the initiative. Every year, we used to receive a public notice for a scheme which offered several courses, including MPSC, UPSC, and banking, which was issued. Each year, an extension of the scheme would be issued. Under the scheme, part of the expenses was covered by the UGC, while the remaining amount was borne by the university. However, for the last two years, since 2022, the UGC has not sent the scheme's extension letter. We even sent a letter to the UGC, but have not received any response.'
'In the meantime, as we continued to get inquiries from students, we started an add-on batch under the Maharashtra government category. However, some students raised objections, which is why their admissions are now on hold,' he said.
Student organisations have warned that they may intensify their agitation if the matter is not addressed promptly.
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Hindustan Times
4 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Students urge SPPU to reinstate UPSC, MPSC special batch
A coalition of student organisations at Savitribai Phule Pune University (SPPU) has urged the administration to reinstate its University Grants Commission (UGC) recognised Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) and Maharashtra Public Service Commission (MPSC) special batch, which has been non-functional for the past two academic years. This year, SPPU introduced what it calls 'add-on batches' with 40 seats each for UPSC and MPSC preparation. (HT FILE) Representatives from the university's Competitive Examination Centre (CEC), the National Students' Union of India (NSUI), the Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Post-Graduate Students Association (DAPSA), and the Maharashtra Republican Party Students' Front submitted a memorandum on August 6 to vice-chancellor Suresh Gosavi. The students have demanded that the batch, which previously catered to 52 aspirants each for the UPSC and MPSC, be restored in its earlier format without further delay. According to the student leaders, the discontinued programme had a well-defined reservation policy, with 20 seats reserved for Scheduled Caste (SC) candidates and 10 for Scheduled Tribe (ST) candidates in each batch. However, since its suspension in 2022, the university has not offered an equivalent alternative at that time. This year, SPPU introduced what it calls 'add-on batches' with 40 seats each for UPSC and MPSC preparation. Student groups allege that the revised structure has diluted the reservation benefits and introduced a steep, inequitable fee structure. Under the current new batch, students from reserved categories are required to pay ₹7,500, while those from the open category are charged ₹30,000. 'Not only has the intake been reduced, but the policy change undermines the principles of social justice and accessibility that the special batch represented,' said a student representative from DAPSA. Members of NSUI and other groups also stressed that the original batch, being UGC-recognised, provided a more credible and structured platform for aspirants from diverse socio-economic backgrounds. In an official notification issued on August 8, the competitive examination centre informed applicants that the admission process for the self-supporting 'add-on batch' (2025–26) has been suspended until further notice. Students who have already paid the fees have been advised to wait for further instructions, with the CEC assuring that they will be contacted in due course. S Fazal D Firdausi, coordinator, CEC, said, 'The UPSC, MPSC special batch was originally planned under the UGC's 12th Plan. Later, in 2014, NITI Aayog took over the initiative. Every year, we used to receive a public notice for a scheme which offered several courses, including MPSC, UPSC, and banking, which was issued. Each year, an extension of the scheme would be issued. Under the scheme, part of the expenses was covered by the UGC, while the remaining amount was borne by the university. However, for the last two years, since 2022, the UGC has not sent the scheme's extension letter. We even sent a letter to the UGC, but have not received any response.' 'In the meantime, as we continued to get inquiries from students, we started an add-on batch under the Maharashtra government category. However, some students raised objections, which is why their admissions are now on hold,' he said. Student organisations have warned that they may intensify their agitation if the matter is not addressed promptly.
Indian Express
15 hours ago
- Indian Express
UPSC Key: Maratha Empire, TN Education policy, and India's EV push
Important topics and their relevance in UPSC CSE exam for August 9, 2025. If you missed the August 8, 2025, UPSC CSE exam key from the Indian Express, read it here. Syllabus: Mains Examination: History of India and Indian National Movement General Studies-I: Modern Indian history from about the middle of the eighteenth century until the present – significant events, personalities, issues. What's the ongoing story: A map showing the extent of the Maratha empire in 1759 in the new NCERT Class 8 social science textbook has run into a controversy. Chaitanya Raj Singh, scion of the royal family of the erstwhile princely state of Jaisalmer, on Monday (August 4) called the map, which shows Jaisalmer to be a part of the Maratha empire, 'historically misleading, factually baseless, and deeply objectionable'. Key Points to Ponder: • What do you know about the Maratha Empire? • When was the Battle of Bhopal fought? • What were chauth and sardeshmukhi? • What is the cultural significance of Shivaji? • The Maratha equation was not the same with all rulers of that region. What does it mean? Key Takeaways: • On Wednesday, Michel Danino, chairperson of the NCERT's curricular area group for the new social science textbooks, responded to the objection, stating: 'Further research is on to confirm that our map's boundaries are incorrect; if they are, a revised map will be prepared based on the best information available, and submitted for future editions of the textbook.' • In the first half of the 18th century, with the Mughal empire breaking up, the then Peshwa of the Maratha empire, Baji Rao I, 'could not resist a Maratha drive' into the north, Stewart Gordon wrote in The Marathas 1600–1818 (1993). By then, the Marathas were already collecting tribute from erstwhile Mughal dominions in the Deccan. • The Marathas then pushed into parts of Rajasthan, the areas around Delhi and Punjab, and Bundelkhand, besides attacking parts of Orissa, Bengal, and Bihar, Gordon wrote. They established control over Malwa after the Battle of Bhopal. The Bengal raids were under Baji Rao's successors. • Rahul Magar, Assistant Professor at the History Department at Savitribai Phule Pune University, told The Indian Express that 'the Marathas were collecting chauth and sardeshmukhi from the Rajput territories, but does that mean that they had political intervention in those states? No, they did not, in many cases.' • He added that economic tribute and political authority should be treated as distinct: 'These states, like Rajputana and even Orissa and Bengal, were paying financial tribute, but it is not necessary that they politically considered the Peshwa as their overlord.' • Jaisalmer was under the Bhati clan of Rajputs. Gordon wrote of a tribute collecting expedition that Baji Rao I led in 1728 through western Malwa and into Rajasthan. Gordon also mentions the succession disputes like those in Bundi and Jodhpur, and the tribute that the Marathas claimed from these regions. • Some regions were fully administered by the Peshwa's men 'and others only thinly administered, and populated by recalcitrant zamindars who managed to defy Maratha authority from behind walled strongholds.' • Scholars have been divided over the nature of the Maratha polity and whether it was a confederacy. Do You Know: • According to the NCERT textbook og Grade 8, The Marathas often levied taxes called chauth (25 per cent) and sardeshmukhi (an additional 10 per cent to chauth) from provinces that were not directly under them, including places in the Deccan and north India. In return, the Marathas protected those provinces and did not intervene in their internal administration. • Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj (1630-1680) carved out an independent Maratha kingdom from various Deccan states in the 17th century. He was born to a general who served different Deccan Sultans throughout his life. • Shivaji was keen on expanding his father's fiefdom of modern-day Pune into an independent Maratha state. During that time several Sultanates like Bijapur, Golkonda and Ahmadnagar and the Mughals were competing for the control of the Deccan. • 'Chhatrapati Shivaji established what he called a 'Swarajya', which means a kingdom in which the power was in the hands of the indigenous people,' says author Uday S Kulkarni. He says that Shivaji carried out a commendable task of bringing together a large number of different castes under a common 'Maratha' identity. • Important Battles of the Maratha Dynasty Other Important Articles Covering the same topic: 📍How Chhatrapati Shivaji binds the diverse history of the Marathas 📍Knowledge Nugget: Why are the Maratha Military Landscapes relevant for the UPSC exam? UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme: (1) Ashta Pradhan was a council of ministers (UPSC 1995) (a) in the Gupta administration (b) in the Chola administration (c) in the Vijayanagara administration (d) in the Maratha administration Syllabus: Preliminary Examination: General issues on Environmental Ecology, Biodiversity and Climate Change – that do not require subject specialisation Mains Examination: General Studies-III: Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation, environmental impact assessment. What's the ongoing story: The flash flood that devastated Dharali village in Uttarakhand's Uttarkashi district on August 5 has spotlighted again the threats from extreme weather events in India's hill states. Key Points to Ponder: • What could be the possible reasons for flash floods in Dharali village in Uttarakhand? • What is the relationship between cloudbursts and flashfloods? • Why are the Himalayas more susceptible to landslides or flash floods? • What are the difficulties in developing early warning systems for such events? • What mitigation measures need to be taken? • What is the Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF)? Key Takeaways: • Flash floods are usually triggered by extreme rainfall events that lead to landslides or mudslides with large amounts of debris ending up in streams or rivers. The debris flows down steep slopes with the surging water, its great force sweeping away buildings, vegetation, and roads in its path. • What triggered the flash flood in the Kheer Ganga that hit Dharali, however, remains unclear. • A senior glaciologist has suggested the possibility of a breach in a glacial lake that may have formed upstream. While glacial ice-breaks can trigger flash floods, the occurrence of such an event is yet to be confirmed in this case. • There are no direct cause-effect relationships among heavy rainfall, landslides, and flash floods. • Not all cloudburst-like events result in a flash flood or a disaster. And not all flash floods are triggered by an intense spell of rain. • For a flash flood-like situation to be created, several things must come together. In most cases, heavy rainfall followed by landslides or mudslides lead to run-offs into rivers. But extreme rainfall events do not always lead to landslides – and if they do, the debris does not always find its way into a river or stream. • Also, the place where this occurs may not always be located on a slope that is steep enough to facilitate the forceful downward journey of the accumulated mass. • But again, landslides are not necessary to cause flash floods. In some cases, extreme rainfall on its own can do so. • Sometimes, a flash flood can result if a section of a glacier breaks and falls into a river. In Chamoli district of Uttarakhand in 2021, 3-4 million cubic metres of water was suddenly released into the Rishiganga and Dhauliganga rivers following an ice-break. • Sometimes, even low-intensity rainfall can trigger flash floods. This can happen if the area is already extremely fragile, or the mountain slopes are already eroding, and the soil is saturated, unable to absorb any more water. • In these circumstances, even small amounts of rain can trigger landslides or flash floods. • The Dharali incident illustrates the difficulties in developing early warning systems for such events. • While heavy rainfall events can be reliably predicted days in advance, and efforts to predict landslides are progressing steadily, whether such events would end up in flash floods remains very difficult to predict. • But some mitigation measures can certainly be taken. These would include avoiding construction activity near river banks, moving villages and populations some distance away from rivers, and storing and disposing of large boulders and construction debris in a way that they are not easily swept into rivers. Do You Know: • A cloudburst has a specific definition in meteorology. The IMD categorises an extreme rainfall event as a cloudburst if a small area, roughly 10 km x 10 km in size, receives at least 100 mm of rain in about an hour. • By its very definition, a cloudburst is a concentrated, localised event. For this reason, a cloudburst may sometimes go unrecorded if there are no rainfall-measuring devices in that small area. • Very high-intensity rainfall during a cloudburst event increases chances of a landslide. Cloudburst-like events, even if they do not qualify as a cloudburst in the specific terms of its definition, are often behind flash floods in hill states. Many of the recent incidents in Himachal Pradesh were triggered by cloudburst-like events. • But again, in the case of Uttarkashi, there is no indication that such an event took place, even in remote locations. • The Himalayas are relatively young mountains. The rocks are not fully consolidated, and there are lots of relatively weak geological formations. The region is, therefore, more susceptible to landslides or flash floods than, say, the older Aravali mountains. • The Himalayas are also earthquake-prone. Continuous seismic activity makes the region more vulnerable in case of an extreme rainfall event. Largescale construction activity and high volumes of vehicular traffic are contributing factors as well. • According to the NDMA, the retreat of glaciers as a result of climate change that is occurring in most parts of the Hindu Kush Himalayas has given rise to numerous new glacial lakes, breaches in which can cause Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs). • A GLOF occurs when a large mass of water dammed by a glacier or a moraine is released suddenly. When glaciers melt, the water in these glacial lakes accumulates behind loose naturally-formed 'glacial/ moraine dams' made of ice, sand, pebbles, and ice residue. Other Important Articles Covering the same topic: 📍How to reduce risks from glacial lake bursts and carry out effective rescue operations 📍UPSC Issue at a Glance | Uttarkashi Cloudburst: What UPSC aspirants must-know for Prelims and Mains UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme: (2) Which of the following statements with regard to cloudburst is/are correct? (UPSC CDS 2017) 1. It is defined as sudden localized very heavy downpour with cloud thunder and lightning. 2. It mostly occurs in the hilly areas. 3. It results into very high intensity of rainfall, i.e., 250 mm-300 mm in a couple of hours. 4. It occurs only during the daytime. Select the correct answer using the code given below. (a) 1, 2, and 3 (b) 1, 3, and 4 (c) 2 and 3 (d) 2 only Syllabus: Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance Mains Examination: General Studies-II: Bilateral, regional and global groupings and agreements involving India and/or affecting India's interests. What's the ongoing story: Amid the tension in ties with the US after President Donald Trump doubled the tariff on India over its purchase of Russian oil, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin held a phone conversation Friday during which they discussed 'the latest developments on Ukraine' and 'reaffirmed our commitment to further deepen the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership'. Key Points to Ponder: • What do you understand by strategic partnership? • US President Donald Trump doubled the tariff on India over its purchase of Russian oil. Why? • What are the reasons for the Russia-Ukraine conflict? • What is India's stand on the conflict? • What is the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)? • Who are the members of the SCO? Key Takeaways: • Modi said he looked forward to hosting Putin in India later this year. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, who travelled to Moscow this week and met Putin, had also said that the President would be visiting India. • The sense in New Delhi is that if there is progress in the talks between the American and Russian Presidents on resolving the war, it will hold the key to the US backing off on the additional 25 per cent penalty on India for buying Russian oil. • Meanwhile, China welcomed Modi's planned visit to the Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in Tianjin later this month, expressing hope that the event would be a 'gathering of solidarity, friendship and fruitful results'. New Delhi is still to announce the visit — it will be Modi's first visit to China after 2018. • Russia is also part of the SCO grouping, along with India, China, Pakistan and Iran. Do You Know: • The origins of SCO lie in the 'Shanghai Five' which was formed in 1996, consisting of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. With the dissolution of the USSR in 1991 into 15 independent countries, there were concerns in the region about extremist religious groups and ethnic tensions coming to the fore. To manage these issues, a grouping was created for cooperation on security matters. • Building on this, SCO was established on June 15, 2001, in Shanghai as an international organisation, and also included Uzbekistan as a sixth member. The Charter of the SCO was signed at the St. Petersburg Summit in June 2002 and became effective on September 19, 2003. Additionally, in 2006, the SCO announced plans to combat international drug trafficking as a means to finance global terrorism. • Today, it consists of 10 member countries- India, Iran, Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Belarus. India and Pakistan became full members in 2017. Afghanistan and Mongolia hold Observer Status. Other Important Articles Covering the same topic: 📍How the Russia-Ukraine conflict also became a cultural war 📍Explained Interview | What to expect from the Trump-Putin meeting Previous year UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme: (3) Consider the following: (2022) 1. Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank 2. Missile Technology Control Regime 3. Shanghai Cooperation Organisation India is a member of which of the above? (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 Previous year UPSC Mains Question Covering similar theme: Critically examine the aims and objectives of SCO. What importance does it hold for India? (UPSC CSE 2021) Syllabus: Preliminary Examination: Indian Polity and Governance – Constitution, Political System, Panchayati Raj, Public Policy, Rights Issues Mains Examination: General Studies-II: Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors and issues arising out of their design and implementation. What's the ongoing story: In a departure from the National Education Policy (NEP), Tamil Nadu on Friday launched its own State Education Policy, with Chief Minister M K Stalin describing it as 'a vision document for the future' tailored to the state's 'unique character'. Key Points to Ponder: • What is the three-language policy of the NEP? • Why does Tamil Nadu depart from the three-language policy? How is it different from a 2-language formula? • Education as a subject comes under which list- union, state, or concurrent? • The Centre's push to implement the NEP across all states has faced resistance from several quarters. Why? • What is the purpose of introducing the NEP? Key Takeaways: • Tamil Nadu has become the first state to formally adopt its own comprehensive school education policy in direct contrast to the Centre's NEP — an act seen as both pedagogical and political. • The 230-page policy document was developed by a 14-member committee headed by retired Delhi High Court Chief Justice D Murugesan. • The policy scraps board examinations for class 11 with immediate effect — a move that reverses a 2017 decision by the then-AIADMK government. • The policy sets a target to ensure that all students complete school and move into higher education. Stalin noted that 72% of students who passed class 12 this year had already enrolled in higher education. • According to the document, at the heart of the new policy lies a commitment to social equity, academic excellence, and holistic development. • The policy is structured across key thematic areas — foundational literacy and numeracy, curriculum reform, teacher training, safe and inclusive schools, digital learning, and sustainable infrastructure. The government's flagship Ennum Ezhuthum Mission remains central to its literacy goals. • Under the policy, special attention is given to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, minorities, first-generation learners, and children with special needs, with measures ranging from inclusive curriculum and barrier-free infrastructure, scholarships and targeted mentoring. • The Centre's push to implement the NEP across all states has faced resistance from several quarters. Tamil Nadu has fiercely resisted it, citing its emphasis on Hindi and the three-language formula. • The policy also includes a structured push toward 21st-century skills and digital literacy. Do You Know: • An NEP is a comprehensive framework to guide the development of education in the country. The need for a policy was first felt in 1964 when Congress MP Siddheshwar Prasad criticised the then government for lacking a vision and philosophy for education. • The same year, a 17-member Education Commission, headed by then UGC Chairperson D S Kothari, was constituted to draft a national and coordinated policy on education. Based on the suggestions of this Commission, Parliament passed the first education policy in 1968. • The National Education Policy, 2020 is the third national education policy of the country. The first came in 1968 and the second in 1986, under Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi respectively; the NEP of 1986 was revised in 1992 when P V Narasimha Rao was Prime Minister. The third NEP is released under the Prime Ministership of Narendra Modi. • The NEP only provides a broad direction and is not mandatory to follow. Since education is a concurrent subject (both the Centre and the state governments can make laws on it). The incumbent government has set a target of 2040 to implement the entire policy. • The three-language formula, dating back to 1968, means students in Hindi-speaking states should learn a modern Indian language, apart from Hindi and English and, in non-Hindi-speaking states, Hindi along with the regional language and English. Other Important Articles Covering the same topic: 📍Five years of National Education Policy: Taking stock of the transition 📍Malala Day 2025: How India's NEP seeks to bridge gender gap in education Previous year UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme: (4) Which of the following provisions of the Constitution does India have a bearing on Education? (UPSC CSE 2012) 1. Directive Principles of State Policy 2. Rural and Urban Local Bodies 3. Fifth Schedule 4. Sixth Schedule 5. Seventh Schedule Select the correct answer using the codes given below: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3, 4 and 5 only (c) 1, 2 and 5 only (d) 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 Syllabus: Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance Mains Examination: General Studies-II: Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors and issues arising out of their design and implementation. What's the ongoing story: Audrey Dmello and Flavia Agnes write: The 'age of consent' debate has re-emerged, this time in the Nipun Saxena and Anr vs Union of India PIL pending in the Supreme Court. The Court will examine whether the age of 'consensual' sexual relationships, which is currently pegged at 18, needs to be reduced, under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012. Key Points to Ponder: • What is the age of consent? • What is the reasoning given to reduce the age of consent to 16 years? • What is the debate around reducing the age of consent? • What is the POCSO Act? • How does the POSCO Act define a child? • What are the features of the POSCO Act? • What is the Law Commission of India (LCI) recommendation on the age of consent under the POSCO Act? Key Takeaways: • Audrey Dmello and Flavia Agnes write: As per the POCSO Act, any sexual activity with a minor is a crime. Cases referred to as 'consensual' under POCSO rarely involve sexual exploration among teens but on the contrary, reflect a darker and more complex social reality. • Most victims are from marginalised communities and trying to escape violent homes, sexual abuse by family members, discrimination, and/or threats of forced marriage. • The age of the victim in some of these cases is as low as 12 years; the man is much older. The man promises her love and a better life. Having had sex with him, she believes the man and agrees to elope. Usually, a 'missing person' complaint is lodged by the parents. • The police trace the couple, often already married and/or expecting a child. A case under the POCSO Act is registered, the man is arrested, and the girl is institutionalised. • In a controversial judgment, the Calcutta High Court, while acquitting a man of penetrative sexual assault, commented that it was a case of 'non-exploitative consensual sexual relationship between two consenting adolescents'. • The victim was 14, and the man was 25. The victim claimed that she had married the accused and left her house of her own will. She expressed a desire to continue living with the accused. The court did not examine the home conditions that compelled a mere teenager to want to elope. • According to NCRB data, as a result of mandatory reporting under the POCSO Act, cases of child sexual abuse rose from 8,541 in 2012 to 53,874 in 2021. In Mumbai alone in 2021, 524 cases of penetrative sexual assault were reported under the POCSO Act. • Meanwhile, India witnessed 1.6 million child marriages in 2022, with barely 900 cases registered as per the India Child Protection report. • The drivers of child marriage have shifted from Brahminical patriarchy to poverty, lack of education, and fear of sexual violence. Poverty-stricken parents marry off their daughters young to safeguard them, not due to tradition but out of desperation. • What we are witnessing is a tragic paradox. Minor girls from marginalised backgrounds choose between the frying pan and the fire. • Child rights activists are advocating that the age of consent be reduced to 16 years (except in cases involving coercion, and sexual relationships with persons in authority). Their demand is rooted in ensuring autonomy and agency for young girls — they argue that the criminal justice system severely impacts girls' lives and offers them nothing. • But if we have to extend this logic, why stop at 16 and not 14? After all, in the West Bengal case, the victim was 14 years old, and our ground work reveals victims are sometimes as young as 12. • More importantly, how are we going to establish 'consent' and who will decide? Consent can be enthusiastic, reluctant, vitiated by fear, or extracted by manipulation. It can be revoked, misunderstood, or miscommunicated. Do You Know: • In September 2010, the Ministry of Women and Child Development prepared a draft Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Bill, 2010 which after several rounds of revisions came into force as the POCSO Act on Children's Day – 14 November, 2012. • POCSO offences are cognizable and non-bailable: arrests can be made without a warrant, and bail is not automatic. But the law does not contain specific statutory guidelines on bail. • POCSO does not recognise consent below the age of 18. Any sexual act with a teen, even if voluntary, is treated as an offence. This creates a legal grey zone in cases where teenagers enter into consensual relationships that later attract criminal charges. Other Important Articles Covering the same topic: 📍10 years of POCSO: An analysis of India's landmark child abuse law 📍How judicial discretion decides bail in POCSO cases Previous year UPSC Mains Question Covering similar theme: Examine the main provisions of the National Child Policy and throw light on the status of its implementation. (UPSC CSE 2016) Syllabus: Preliminary Examination: Economic and Social Development – Sustainable Development, Poverty, Inclusion, Demographics, Social Sector Initiatives, etc. Mains Examination: General Studies-III: Indian Economy and issues relating to planning, mobilisation, of resources, growth, development and employment What's the ongoing story: Over the past year, India's electric vehicle (EV) policy has undergone a quiet but significant pivot: electric cars are no longer centre-stage, while e-trucks have emerged as the new priority. Key Points to Ponder: • What is the PM E-DRIVE scheme? • Why is the government pushing for EVs? • Electric penetration in the truck segment remains negligible. What steps need to be taken to address this? • What are the benefits of the electrification of trucks? Key Takeaways: • The first major signal came in September 2024, when the PM E-DRIVE scheme was rolled out without any incentives for electric four-wheelers — unlike the preceding FAME subsidy. Earlier this week, the NITI Aayog reinforced this stance, arguing that measuring progress in e-mobility through cars is 'not… the right metric' for India. • Electric cars simply aren't selling fast enough in India to move the needle — largely due to their relatively high cost and persistent range anxiety. • In 2024, the share of electric cars in total four-wheeler sales — or EV penetration — remained low at just 2 per cent, according to New York-headquartered think tank Rhodium Group. In contrast, the EV penetration rate in the four-wheeler segment stood at 47 per cent in China, 23 per cent in Europe, 10 per cent in the US, and a striking 17 per cent in Vietnam — up from just 3 per cent in 2022. • There's another reason — 'While 75% of Indian vehicles are two-wheelers, only 13% of these vehicles are cars… Hence, measuring progress in the transition to electric mobility by only looking at cars, as done in developed countries, would not be the right metric in a country dominated by two-wheelers,' the NITI Aayog report said. • In addition to cars making up a smaller share of vehicles overall, large cars costing over Rs 10 lakh account for just 2 per cent of India's vehicle fleet. • That said, the government did launch the Scheme to Promote Manufacturing of Electric Passenger Cars in India in March 2024 — which many had seen as aimed at attracting Tesla — with guidelines released in June this year. • As far as reducing emissions, particulate pollution, and dependence on energy imports is concerned, electrification of trucks will go a long way. • In July, the Ministry of Heavy Industries launched an incentive scheme for e-trucks under PM-DRIVE, aiming to support 5,600 vehicles with a capacity of over 3.5 tonnes. • China is already showing what electrification of trucking can do to oil consumption — with around 9 per cent of heavy-duty trucks now electric, it is displacing over 1 million barrels per day in implied oil demand, according to the Rhodium Group. Do You Know: • The report titled 'Unlocking a $200 Billion Opportunity: Electric Vehicles in India' said it is 'evident that continuation of incentives alone may not help' India reach the 2030 target. 'As such it is time to give a stronger push for the shift by introducing some gentle mandates and disincentives which will help signal the required direction more firmly,' it said. • On October 1, 2024, the government commenced the PM E-Drive electric vehicle subsidy scheme offering upfront incentives for purchase and supporting the installation of critical EV charging infrastructure. • It is offering Rs 3,679 crore in subsidies and demand incentives to accelerate the adoption of electric two-wheelers, three-wheelers, e-ambulances, e-trucks, and other emerging EVs. • It has replaced previous flagship initiatives such as the Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Electric Vehicles (FAME) policy, which expired in March, and the three-month Electric Mobility Promotion Scheme (EMPS), which ended on September 30, 2024. • India launched 'E-Amrit', a web portal on electric vehicles (EVs) at the COP26 Summit in Glasgow. • Developed by NITI Aayog, the portal provides information on EV adoption, purchase, investment opportunities, policies, and subsidies. Other Important Articles Covering the same topic: 📍Electric Vehicles (EV) Schemes across India 2024: All you need to know Previous year UPSC Mains Question Covering similar theme: How is efficient and affordable urban mass transport key to the rapid economic development in India? (UPSC CSE 2019) Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X. 🚨 Click Here to read the UPSC Essentials magazine for July 2025. Share your views and suggestions in the comment box or at Khushboo Kumari is a Deputy Copy Editor with The Indian Express. She has done her graduation and post-graduation in History from the University of Delhi. At The Indian Express, she writes for the UPSC section. She holds experience in UPSC-related content development. You can contact her via email: ... Read More
Indian Express
a day ago
- Indian Express
Karnataka state education policy calls to scrap NCERT, proposes reservation in private institutions
The Karnataka State Education Policy Commission, headed by economist and former UGC Chairman Prof Sukhadeo Thorat, Friday formally submitted the report to Chief Minister Siddaramaiah. The commission has recommended several reforms in both school education and higher education tailored specific to Karnataka's socio-cultural, linguistic and economic realities- independent of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020. Under school education, in a major departure from NEP 2020, Karnataka plans to localize curriculum content, moving away from a reliance on NCERT textbooks and instead developing a Comprehensive Curriculum for School Education (CCSE). The state will also regulate private pre-primary schools through a separate framework and introduce a dedicated regulator for private schools in view of concerns linked to high admission fees, age restriction criteria among others. Further, the report proposes a structural overhaul, replacing the NEP's 5+3+3+4 model with a simplified 2+8+4 framework: two years of pre-primary, eight years of primary, and four years of secondary education. Notably, it mandates that Kannada or the mother tongue be the medium of instruction up to Class 5 across all school boards, including CBSE and ICSE, a step in line with NEP 2020. The latter recommends that the medium of instruction in schools should be the home language, mother tongue, local language, or regional language up to at least Grade 5, and preferably up to Class 8. Karnataka's model also introduces a two-language education policy, where Kannada or the mother tongue is taught alongside English, reflective of Siddaramaiah's objection to three language policy citing 'Hindi imposition'. Significantly, the commission also proposes increasing the education budget to 30 per cent of the state's total expenditure, with a planned 5–10 per cent annual increase in per-student spending. It also recommends the establishment of the Karnataka State Open School System, designed to offer flexible learning options for dropouts and working students, and makes Constitutional Values Education a compulsory subject across all schools. The policy has proposed a significant recommendation to extend the state's reservation policy to private unaided institutions, including universities, deemed universities, and autonomous colleges. Citing Article 15 (5) of the Constitution, the commission has called for the implementation of SC/ST/OBC reservations in admissions within these institutions. The policy also recommends that all admissions in private institutions be brought under a transparent, merit-based and regulated framework, to safeguard against exclusion and ensure accountability. Further, the commission departs from NEP's uniform 4-year degree model by recommending a 3+2 structure for general education (3-year undergraduate + 2-year postgraduate) and a 4+2 model for professional programs. This maintains the state's pre-NEP flexibility while still enabling interdisciplinary and modular learning. Postgraduate admissions will be opened up across state universities, and interestingly the policy also proposes bilingual teaching where Kannada (or another regional/mother tongue) is used alongside English in higher education institutions. Further, the Commission proposes the identification of State Institutions of Excellence, along with a feasibility-based approach to opening new institutions. It mandates training for all new teachers to be provided through Higher Education Teachers Academy Centers in each department. The policy also recommends offering free higher education for girls across government, aided, and unaided institutions, with financial incentives to delay child marriage. To improve research and innovation, a State Research Foundation with a seed fund of Rs 500 crore is proposed. Karnataka also plans to expand post-matric scholarships, raise income limits to Rs 10 lakh per annum, and establish a State Education Finance Corporation that will offer employment-linked education loans to low-income students. In terms of governance and administration, the policy recommends merging parallel educational bodies under a single unified commissionerate, converting DSERT into an autonomous SCERT to lead curriculum innovation, and reducing the number of regional joint director offices from six to four. It also proposes district-level academic administration units led by educationists, the establishment of Foreign Students Cells in all universities, and the creation of a Karnataka State Quality Assessment Board to help institutions meet and exceed quality benchmarks. Importantly, the policy mandates the filling of all sanctioned teaching posts within five years, and ensures that the vacancy gap remains below 5%. A recruitment model involving KEA-administered exams and university interviews is proposed for Assistant Professors, and a new selection process is outlined for college principals. The Commission officially began its work on November 1, 2023, comprising 17 members, 6 advisors, and a member secretary. It established 35 task forces—16 for school education, 16 for higher education, and 3 for vocational education—engaging a total of 379 experts. These task forces held 132 meetings, and the Commission itself met 42 times, contributing nearly 2,775 man-days of academic and policy effort. The final report is spread across three volumes, consisting of 2,197 pages. The report is expected to be placed before the state cabinet for acceptance before implementation.
