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Bangladesh struggles with reform and stability a year after Sheikh Hasina's exit
Protesters celebrate at the Parliament House premise after news of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's resignation, in Dhaka, Bangladesh. File image/AP
Bangladesh appeared poised for change last year when former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was removed from office following a student-led protest movement, ending her 15-year rule and prompting her to flee to India.
Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus assumed leadership of an interim government, pledging to restore calm, implement electoral and constitutional reforms, and conduct credible elections after weeks of unrest beginning on July 15, 2024, left hundreds dead.
One year later, the interim government continues to face political instability, religious polarization, and ongoing challenges in maintaining law and order. Hasina is currently on trial for crimes against humanity in absentia while in exile in India. Despite significant upheaval, efforts to build a Bangladesh founded on liberal democracy, political tolerance, and communal harmony have yet to succeed.
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'The hope of the thousands who braved lethal violence a year ago when they opposed Sheikh Hasina's abusive rule to build a rights-respecting democracy remains unfulfilled,' said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, a New York-based human rights organization.
Change remains limited
The anti-government movement resulted in significant casualties. Hundreds, including many students, were killed in demonstrations marked by violent clashes. Protesters set fire to police stations and government offices, while confrontations between rival political groups turned deadly.
Abdur Rahman Tarif and his sister Meherunnesa joined the protests after the death of a cousin allegedly shot by security forces. He recalled being on the phone with Meherunnesa when the line went dead. Upon returning home through conflict-hit areas in Dhaka, he learned that she had been struck by a stray bullet while standing near a window. She later died at the hospital.
Following the transition, the Yunus administration established 11 reform commissions, including one focused on building national consensus with political parties to guide governance and electoral reforms.
Progress, however, has been slow. Political disputes have delayed agreement on an election timetable. Mob violence, attacks on political groups, and increased hostility toward women and minorities have been reported.
While rights groups note that enforced disappearances appear to have ended, they allege the government has used arbitrary detention to target perceived opponents, particularly Hasina's supporters, some of whom are reportedly in hiding. The Awami League, currently banned, claims over two dozen members have died in custody over the past year.
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The interim administration has declared August 5 a public holiday to mark Hasina's ouster. In a statement on July 30, Human Rights Watch said the interim government 'is falling short in implementing its challenging human rights agenda,' adding that abuses against ethnic and minority groups continue in some regions.
'The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights,' said Ganguly.
Yunus' office has denied these allegations.
Elections expected in April
The timeline for returning to democratic elections remains uncertain. Disagreements between the interim administration and the main opposition, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), have added to the uncertainty. The BNP has demanded elections be held by February, while Yunus has proposed April.
Islamist groups previously restricted under Hasina's rule have gained space under the interim government. Meanwhile, student leaders from the protests have formed a new political party, calling for sweeping reforms and warning they will oppose any election held without them.
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Some Islamist leaders have either been released or escaped custody. Jamaat-e-Islami, the largest Islamist party, has reentered the political scene and recently organized a large rally in Dhaka. The group has criticized both the BNP and Awami League, prompting concern among some analysts about rising polarization.
'Any rise of Islamists demonstrates a future Bangladesh where radicalization could get a shape where so-called disciplined Islamist forces could work as a catalyst against liberal and moderate forces,' said political analyst Nazmul Ahsan Kalimullah.
Others have questioned whether the interim government can deliver the reforms it promised.
'People's expectation was (that) Yunus government will be focused and solely geared towards reforming the electoral process. But now it's a missed opportunity for them,' Kalimullah added.
Ongoing frustration
For many, the events of the past year have not translated into meaningful change.
Mosharraf Hossain, father of protester Meherunnesa, said the movement reflected deeper discontent. 'We want a new Bangladesh … It's been 54 years since independence, yet freedom was not achieved,' he said.
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Tarif echoed the sentiment.
'I want to see the new Bangladesh as a place where I feel secure, where the law enforcement agencies will perform their duties properly, and no government will resort to enforced disappearances or killings like before. I want to have the right to speak freely,' he said.

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Such was the situation, that the Jamaat didn't manage to even unlock its sealed office in Dhaka over the students' protest gave the parties the much-needed oxygen, and they used the students' agitation to launch a full-scale attack on the Hasina apparatus."After July 19, police were attacked not by university students, but by BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami activists and daily-waged labourers who had joined in the protests by then," Salam tells India Today evidence of that, the activist points to a video of protesters chasing away a team of security personnel in five vans, which went viral."You can see one person starts running at the police, and then a crowd follows him and starts chasing the cops. The person who first started chasing the cops was later identified as a BNP member. This was the case in most instances. Those leading the attacks against cops were either BNP or Jamaat members or daily-waged labourers," says says among all the political parties, the BNP counts the highest number of dead activists during the July-August agitation for a reason."Parties like the BNP had seasoned leadership who were battle-hardened and knew how to survive and fight government machinery. The young student leaders brought political innocence into the play and attracted the masses, and the BNP and the Jamaat provided street credibility and muscle," Rabbee tells India Today political parties like the BNP also arranged physical safety and safe houses for the student leaders when they were on the says the Hasina government, which had dealt with online activists, was spooked by two things -- shut down of remittances by Bangladeshi expats and attacks on police stations."People attacking the cops was an escalation that showed that the movement was in the next phase. The retaliation was evidence that the fear of the Hasina regime was gone, and it could be toppled," explains goes on to show that it wasn't the students who were mostly involved in the street warfare was that the worst violence took place after Hasina fled Bangladesh on August 5. There were political reprisal killings in which scores of Awami League and Chhatra League leaders were massacred."Members of Islamist organisations and Jamaat members were at the forefront when it came to attacking cops and Awami League leaders. They followed urban guerilla tactics to bring down the Hasina government, and exact revenge after that," said the Dhaka-based had descended into lawlessness and chaos for days after the fall of the Hasina regime, and the army had to step in. Following Hasina's flight, the Bangladeshi army took control, and oversaw the transition of power amidst the chaos. (AFP Image) BANGLADESH ARMY'S NOT TO SHOOT DECISION WAS GAMECHANGERWaker-Uz-Zaman was appointed Bangladesh Army Chief in June 2024, when the country was already a relative of Hasina, operated with fairness during the entire agitation, according to multiple then, protests had even started in Defence Officers Housing Society areas in Dhaka. This was unprecedented because military officers were pampered by Hasina and their children brought up in relative affluence."Hasina not only took care of the military with unprecedented largesse, but she also changed the Constitution to deter political intervention by the military, making it a crime of high treason," says lower-rung officers and sepoys, like some of the civilian officials, had by then gone into a civil-disobedience mode. That was a result of news of young relatives falling prey to bullets, sources told India Today August 4, with the Hasina government finding itself embattled with millions ready for the long March to Dhaka a day later, a shoot-at-sight curfew was in a meeting with the top Army commanders on August 4, decided that his force would not shoot at protesters. This, and the reports of military officers unwilling to act against protesters earlier, boosted the confidence of the of thousands started pouring into Dhaka at daybreak on August 5. That is when General Zaman visited Hasina and asked her to board the military helicopter and save her life."Ultimately the military had to force her collapse, mostly because the sheer number of people on Dhaka's streets with bricks and sticks were simply multiple folds of the count of ammunition the security establishment had at their disposal," says only did the army take a hands-off approach, some lower-ranking military personnel were also looking at options to bring down the regime if Hasina lasted beyond August 5."A military official told me he considered resigning and arming civilians for urban guerrilla warfare if Hasina had not fled on August 5," says activist-writer Salam, adding, "This tells you this was a civil war situation." Students chanted anti-Hasina slogans near Dhaka University after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to flee. (AFP Image) HASINA'S BANGLADESH EXIT NOT JUST DUE TO STUDENTS AGITATIONThough students were the ones who started the fire, but it became an inferno because political parties and Islamist organisations added their muscle to the in morgue and those injured reveal the extent to which political and religious outfits participated in the street cheers that greeted the army and personnel flashing the victory sign also reveal that the military ensured a transfer of power in what can be interpreted as a coup-de-lite, albeit in the face of a massive people's movement."Hasina's regime collapsed because, towards the end, it became fashionable for all segments of Bangladeshi society to resist her, which includes laypersons, the political class, the military and even her cronies, who, towards the end, played their cards in such a way that the regime collapsed," sums up Rabbee.- EndsMust Watch