Raj-Uddhav together over Marathi language: What it means for Maharashtra politics
On July 8, when the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) and the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) came out on the streets against a strike by traders who were protesting the alleged abuse by MNS workers of a shopkeeper for not speaking in Marathi, Maharashtra politics saw a new turn. It marked the reunion of two estranged brothers and the re-emergence of identity politics.
On July 5, MNS founder Raj Thackeray, while addressing a joint rally of the two Senas, remarked, 'Fadnavis has done what Balasaheb couldn't'. Almost 20 years after he left the undivided Shiv Sena to launch MNS, this moment was significant for many reasons.
First, it marked the victory of the combined efforts of the Senas to push back the Government Resolutions (GR) on the three-language policy in the Maharashtra State Board, Marathi and English Medium schools from classes I to V— the first GR made Hindi compulsory, while the second made it optional. The victory rally, addressed by both brothers, seems to signal the beginning of a renewed politics along the language fault lines in Maharashtra.
Second, given the rapid shift in the political landscape of Maharashtra in the recent past, the political implications of this move will be watched closely. Shiv Sena's alliance with Congress and NCP to form the government in 2019, after it fought the election as the BJP's ally was seen as more of a betrayal of the mandate than a political strategy. When the Shiv Sena split, the faction led by Uddhav Thackeray lost its symbol and identity to Eknath Shinde's faction. While the undivided Sena got 56 assembly seats in 2019, UBT Sena could get only 20 in the 2024 assembly elections. However, the breakaway Shinde-led Sena solidified its position by gaining 57 seats. The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) also had a similar fate. The splits in both the major parties made the BJP electorally the most successful party. Against this backdrop, the coming together of the Thackeray brothers might change equations.
Third, the BMC elections are just around the corner, and the three Senas — Uddhav, Raj and Shinde — are the main contenders. Though the BJP's performance in the 2017 BMC elections was impressive — it got 82 seats — undivided Shiv Sena got 84 seats, and the MNS got seven. Despite the BJP's growth, the coming together of Raj-Uddhav might help their prospects.
At the rally, both Thackerays signalled that they are looking for a partnership beyond the agitation. The issue of language, along with the planks of 'Marathi Manoos' and 'Marathi Asmita', are what the Thackerays would seem to be riding on to leverage their political position. Notably, the language issue cuts across the caste cleavages, particularly in western Maharashtra. Consolidation along this could result in a strong political posturing against Hindutva politics of the BJP. The issue of Marathi pride might push the BJP to consolidate the non-Marathi votes. The BMC elections would possibly revolve around the polarisation between the native Marathi-speaking population and the BJP's Hindi-Hindutva politics. However, the BJP seems to be consciously trying to avoid a division that might affect their electoral fate not only in urban municipalities, but also in Zilla Parishads and Panchayat elections.
The writer is a political analyst and teaches at Rashtrsant Tukadoji Maharaj Nagpur University
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