Turkey to begin supplying Azeri gas to Syria from Saturday - Energy
Syria's Islamist authorities, who toppled Bashar al-Assad in December, are seeking to rebuild the country's infrastructure and economy after almost 14 years of civil war.
The conflict badly damaged Syria's power infrastructure, leading to cuts that can last for more than 20 hours a day.
"We will start exporting natural gas from Azerbaijan to Aleppo via Kilis", a province in southernmost Turkey near the Syrian border, Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar said.
In May, Syrian Energy Minister Mohammad al-Bashir said Damascus and Ankara had reached a deal for Turkey to supply natural gas to the war-torn country via a pipeline in the north.
Gas-rich Azerbaijan is a historic ally of Turkey which maintains close ties with the Syrian transitional government.
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Al-Ahram Weekly
31 minutes ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Syria's foreign minister to make first official visit to Moscow since Assad's ouster - Region
Russia announced Wednesday that Syria's foreign minister will visit Moscow, the first official visit to Russia by an official in the new government in Damascus since former Syrian President Bashar Assad was ousted in a rebel offensive last year. Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova told the state news agency Tass that Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will host his Syrian counterpart, Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani, for talks in Moscow on Thursday. The two will discuss bilateral ties, as well as 'international and regional issues,' the statement said. There was no statement from Syria on the visit. Assad was an ally of Russia, and Moscow's military intervention in support of him a decade ago turned the tide of Syria's civil war, helping to keep Assad in his seat for years. However, when insurgent groups launched a new offensive last year, Russia did not intervene again to save Assad. Instead, Assad took refuge in Russia after his ouster. The former president later claimed in a statement posted on Facebook that he had wanted to stay in the country and continue fighting but that the Russians had pulled him out. He said that he left Damascus for Russia's Hmeimim air base in the coastal province of Latakia on the morning of Dec. 8, hours after insurgents stormed the capital. He hadn't planned to flee, but the Russians evacuated him to Russia after the base came under attack. Despite having been on opposite sides of the battle lines during the civil war, the new rulers in Damascus, headed by interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, have taken a pragmatic approach to relations with Moscow. A Russian delegation visited Damascus in January, and the following month, Russia's President Vladimir Putin had a call with al-Sharaa that the Kremlin described as 'constructive and business-like.' Some Russian forces have remained on the Syrian coast, and Russia has reportedly sent oil shipments to Syria. Al-Sharaa publicly thanked Russia for its 'strong position in rejecting Israeli strikes and repeated violations of Syrian sovereignty,' after Israel intervened in clashes earlier this month between Syrian government forces and Sunni Bedouin tribes on one side, and armed groups from Syria's Druze minority on the other. Israel has sought to present itself as protecting the Druze—though many view this as a pretext for pushing Syrian forces further from the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, in line with its demands for a demilitarised southern Syria. Since the fall of Assad, Israeli strikes have repeatedly targeted Syrian military positions across the country, in what is widely seen as a deliberate attempt to destabilise Syria and prevent the reconstitution of state authority near its borders. *This story was edited by Ahram Online. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Al-Ahram Weekly
2 hours ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Minimum engagement with Syria
Egypt had already translated its justified concerns about Syria's new rulers into a coherent policy of minimum engagement before the present round of regional and international pressures, writes Amr Hamzawy While several Arab governments have opted to open channels with the government of Interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa (formerly known as Abu Mohamed Al-Jolani) and Hay'at Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) in Syria, Egypt has upheld a distinct and more cautious position and one that, in retrospect, has proven prudent. Cairo voiced early reservations regarding the ideological backgrounds and political orientations of Syria's new rulers, who have emerged from extremist takfiri movements with violent histories and past affiliations with terrorist organisations such as Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS) group. Prior to their ascent to power, these actors were implicated in criminal activities and systematic human rights violations in the areas under their control, a fact well documented by both domestic and international human rights organisations. Egypt has remained unconvinced by Al-Sharaa's new media discourse, which emphasises the values of citizenship, coexistence, and tolerance among Syria's diverse communities. Instead, the evidence indicates a clear tendency by Al-Sharaa and HTS to monopolise power, resist power-sharing arrangements, and reduce nation-building and the construction of a new social contract to superficial and performative gestures. The so-called 'National Dialogue Conference' held in Damascus in February this year was widely criticised by Syrian democratic forces for its procedures and content. Likewise, the Constitutional Document issued in March postponed presidential and parliamentary elections in Syria for several years, effectively consolidating the current government as a de facto authority. Further indications of HTS's monopolistic approach have included efforts to assert unilateral control over the machinery of the state by appointing its members to leadership roles across ministries and key institutions, as well as integrating foreign fighters into Syria's military and security apparatus. The phenomenon of foreign fighters, common to groups like Al-Qaeda, IS, and HTS, has further compounded the risks of institutionalised extremism. Egypt's reservations were therefore well-founded, and its refusal to rush into an engagement with Syria's new leadership was a calculated and rational stance. Adding to Cairo's initial concerns was the documented relationship between HTS and certain regional actors whose broader Middle East policies have involved supporting extremist religious factions and militias. These policies often run counter to Egypt's conception of national and regional security, one grounded in the imperative to combat religious extremism, eliminate its sources, and confront the violence and terrorism it generates. Egypt's scepticism was further reinforced by the new Syrian leadership's silence in the face of repeated Israeli attacks on Syria's military infrastructure and capabilities, as well as the incursions of Israeli forces into southern Syrian territories beyond the Occupied Golan Heights and the demilitarised zone. More troubling still was the framing by Israel's far-right government of its role as the 'protector' of Syria's southern Druze population. The situation escalated in March with the outbreak of clashes in coastal regions of Syria that saw widespread violations and atrocities committed by remnants of the former Al-Assad regime and, more extensively and systematically, by extremist elements affiliated with or allied to HTS. These attacks targeted Alawite civilians in the provinces of Latakia, Tartus, and Hama. They revealed, on the one hand, what can be described as the 'IS-like character' of HTS, unleashing sectarian violence and indiscriminate killings while ignoring the fundamental shift in its identity from a militant group to a governing authority in a diverse nation-state. On the other hand, they also exposed the catastrophic consequences of HTS's rapid consolidation of control over the military and security institutions in Syria, which were then used as instruments of repression against Alawite communities. While these coastal clashes and the sectarian violence shocked some regional and international actors who had rushed to embrace Al-Sharaa and had been eager for photo opportunities with him at the People's Palace in Damascus, Cairo's deepening concerns led it to publicly articulate principled positions. These included a commitment to equal citizenship for all Syrians, a firm rejection of sectarian crimes and violations that threaten coexistence and drag a fellow Arab nation into civil strife, and a call for a consensual process to build Syria's new state and a fair social contract between it and its citizens. As international and regional pressure mounted on Al-Sharaa in the aftermath of the coastal clashes demanding investigations and accountability for the crimes that had been committed, Egypt had already translated its justified concerns into a coherent policy of minimum engagement with Syria's new rulers. Importantly, this policy of minimum engagement has not prevented Egypt from continuing to condemn Israeli assaults on Syria or from responding positively to developments that genuinely serve the interests of the Syrian people, such as the decision by US President Donald Trump to lift the sanctions on the country. Statements from Egypt's Ministry of Foreign Affairs in recent weeks have expressed this dual approach amid unprecedented Israeli attacks on Damascus and southern Syria, near-civil conflict between Druze and Bedouin populations in and around Suwayda (echoing the coastal clashes), and a dangerous security deterioration across Syria. These events have been accompanied by growing separatist sentiments in the east (among the Kurds), the south (among the Druze), and the west (among the Alawites) of the country, as well as mounting public scepticism about HTS's ability, or even willingness, to transcend its militant, jihadist origins and transform itself into a legitimate governing body for a country with such a complex national and societal fabric. Egypt's policy of minimum engagement, then, is not merely a diplomatic posture but instead is a direct response to a set of grave concerns: the extremist ideological foundations and exclusionary political ambitions of HTS; the trajectory of events in Syria that has exposed the group's limited commitment to citizenship, coexistence, and national reconciliation; and the broader implications of this instability for Syria's future and Egypt's national security in a comprehensive sense. The writer is a political scientist and former MP. He is currently director of the Middle East Programme at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, DC. * A version of this article appears in print in the 6 August, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
Al-Ahram Weekly
2 hours ago
- Al-Ahram Weekly
The Kurdish scheme - World - Al-Ahram Weekly
The Kurdish Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) just might be exploiting sectarian tensions in the south and west to its own ends The outbreak of sectarian violence in the Sweida Governorate, south of Damascus, in July, together with earlier attacks on the Alawite community in western Syria in March, has given Kurdish political forces grounds to reject demands from the central government in Damascus and Turkey to disarm. But are they leveraging the situation to press for the preservation of their de facto autonomy as a distinctively Kurdish political and cultural entity? The military arm of AANES, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), has declared that 'disarmament is a red line.' The interim authorities in Damascus responded that 'the refusal to disarm and the insistence on maintaining an armed formation is categorically unacceptable.' They also accused the Kurds of 'using the events in Sweida and [Latakia] to justify refusing to merge under the authority of the government and to cast aspersions on government's intentions.' Such actions were 'flagrant attempts to manipulate public opinion and distort the facts.' AANES fears that the recent surge in sectarian incidents could drive Syria to a dangerous precipice. It has warned of the existential crisis for the Syrian state and its diverse society should these incidents trigger larger eruptions across regional or sectarian divides. In a statement, AANES described the attacks on the predominantly Druze towns and villages in Sweida as 'a setback to the hopes and aspirations of the Syrian people.' It lamented the numerous deaths of civilians and condemned the looting and burning of dozens of homes and farms. Echoing this view, the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), on 22 July, warned that the events in Sweida were not isolated incidents but rather a vivid manifestation of the general collapse of political and institutional structures in Syria. This deterioration was the product of decades of exclusion, tyranny, marginalisation of elements of the nation, and failure on the part of the central government to sustain diversity and maintain civil peace. The foregoing statement may hint at reasons why AANES and its military and political bodies would use recent events to justify dragging their feet on the implementation of the March 2025 Agreement to integrate into centralised state institutions. From the perspective of the Kurdish national movement, any centralised state might marginalise minorities or ignore their identity-related political and cultural demands. At the same time, the Kurds are wary of Turkey's strategic aim of preventing any autonomous Kurdish entity from developing along its southern flank. From a practical standpoint, the SDF might therefore see the government's preoccupation with events in the south combined with the Israeli military escalation as a window to achieve at least two ends: to impose de facto realities that would throw a spanner into the process of integrating Kurdish forces into the army and to neutralise Turkish pressures on the Kurdish-controlled regions. Turkey, too, is concerned by the highly volatile situation in Syria and its implications for the Turkish project there. On 19 July, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan cautioned Kurdish forces against taking advantage of the situation in Sweida to achieve territorial gains . Claiming that Ankara had received intelligence on possible Kurdish manoeuvres, Fidan said the Kurds 'must refrain from exploiting the chaos in Syria or engaging in reckless adventures that will further complicate the situation. Opportunism at this stage could have grave consequences.' Ankara also views reports of ties between the SDF and Druze militia factions through a similar lens: it is wary of any development that might undermine its efforts to shape the situation in Syria to align with Turkey's strategic interests. Some commentators have suggested that SDF support for Druze factions in Sweida may be motivated by a desire to align with Israel's stated policy of protecting the Druze minority. According to this view, the Kurds calculate that, in developing ties with the Druze, Israel would be induced to assist SDF militarily and politically to counter pressures from the central government or from Turkey. In addition, Israel would persuade Washington not to withdraw its support for the SDF. Meanwhile, by exploiting unrest in Sweida, the SDF could derail or at least delay the indirect negotiations currently in progress between Damascus and Tel Aviv, thereby increasing the prospects of Israeli support for Kurdish aspirations of autonomy. In light of the foregoing, the Kurdish forces may shift to a strategy of deliberately fuelling sectarian tensions in order to build up pressure on the central government in Damascus, thereby enhancing the prospects of Kurdish autonomy within a federal system. This helps explain the Kurdish forces' state of high alert in northeastern Syria . Against the backdrop of clashes in Sweida between the Druze, Bedouins and regime forces, the Kurds fear they will be the next target on the regime's list after the Druze and Alawites. On the other hand, the type of speculation that ticks certain boxes against the politically charged climate in Syria may serve to deflect the blame for the current deterioration. But could it also be intended to create a Kurdish scapegoat? Perhaps this may explain the Kurdish forces' state of high alert in northeastern Syria. * A version of this article appears in print in the 6 August, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
