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After busy first 100 days, Germany's Friedrich Merz faces discord at home

After busy first 100 days, Germany's Friedrich Merz faces discord at home

Time of India3 days ago
German Chancellor
Friedrich Merz
has driven sweeping changes in security, economic and
migration policy
during his first 100 days in office, but faces widening cracks in his uneasy coalition.
On election night in February, a jubilant Merz promised to bring a bit of "rambo zambo" to the post -- using a colloquialism that can evoke a wild and joyous ride, or chaos and mayhem.
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Having achieved his life's ambition at age 69 to run Europe's top economy, Merz lost no time to push change, mostly in response to transatlantic turbulence sparked by US President Donald Trump.
"
Germany
is back," Merz said, vowing to revive the economy, the military and Berlin's international standing after what he labelled three lacklustre years under his centre-left predecessor Olaf Scholz.
Even before taking office, Merz's Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and their governing partners from Scholz's
Social Democratic party
(SPD) loosened debt rules and unlocked hundreds of billions of euros for Germany's armed forces and its crumbling infrastructure.
Live Events
Merz vowed to build "Europe's largest conventional army" in the face of a hostile Russia and keep up strong support for
Ukraine
in lockstep with Paris and London.
A promise to ramp up
NATO
spending endeared Merz to Trump, who greeted him warmly at a White House meeting in June, only weeks after a jarring Oval Office showdown with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.
When Israel bombed Iranian targets, Merz, with a penchant for strong and often controversial one-liners, praised it for doing the "dirty work" -- but last Friday he took the bold step of freezing arms exports to Israel over its Gaza campaign.
Migration crackdown
On the home front, Merz has pressed a crackdown on irregular migration, a sharp departure from the centrist course of his long-time party rival Angela Merkel.
He has said he must address voter concerns about immigration to stem the rise of the far-right
Alternative for Germany
(AfD) party, which won a record 20 percent in February's election.
Merz's heavy focus on global events has earned him the moniker of "foreign chancellor" -- but trouble looms at home, where his SPD allies have often felt overshadowed or sidelined.
To many of them, Merz's right-wing positions have been hard to swallow in the marriage of convenience they entered following the SPD's dismal election outcome of 16 percent.
German voters have not yet fallen in love with Merz either. His personal approval rating slipped 10 points to just 32 percent in the latest poll by public broadcaster ARD.
Judge row
In an early sign of trouble, Merz's inauguration on May 6 turned into a white-knuckle ride when rebel MPs opposed him in the first round of the secret ballot.
He was confirmed in the second round, but the debacle pointed to simmering resentment in the left-right coalition.
Many have chafed at his hard line on immigration, his vow to slash social welfare and his limited enthusiasm for climate protection.
Merz also sparked controversy when he dismissed plans to hoist an LGBTQ rainbow flag on the parliament building by saying the Reichstag was "not a circus tent".
The biggest coalition crisis came last month, sparked by what should have been routine parliamentary business -- the nomination of three new judges to Germany's highest court.
Right-wing online media had strongly campaigned against one of them, SPD nominee Frauke Brosius-Gersdorf, calling her a left-wing activist on abortion and other issues.
The CDU/CSU withdrew support for her and postponed the vote, sparking SPD fury. The issue looked set to fester until Brosius-Gersdorf withdrew her candidature on Thursday.
'Too many arguments'
Other trouble came when the CDU's Bavarian sister party demanded sharp cuts to social benefits for Ukrainian refugees, a position the SPD opposes.
Vice Chancellor Lars Klingbeil of the SPD warned the conservatives to refrain from further provocations, telling Welt TV that "we already have far too many arguments in this government".
Both coalition partners know that open squabbling will turn off voters after discord brought down Scholz's three-party coalition, and play into the hands of the AfD, their common foe.
For now Merz and most other politicians are on summer holidays, leaving unresolved issues lingering.
Merz will need to pay attention, said Wolfgang Schroeder of Kassel University.
"The chancellor's attitude is: I think big-picture and long term, I'm not interested in the small print," he said.
But Schroeder added that all the coalition's big troubles so far -- from the judge row to Ukrainians refugees -- "have been about the small print".
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Before Trump talks to Putin, Germany and others want to bend his ear
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NYT News Service FILE -- President Donald Trump and President Vladimir Putin of Russia during a joint news conference in Helsinki, Finland, July 16, 2018. President Trump is pushing to end the war in Ukraine, but analysts say the Russian leader could turn a hastily-planned meeting to his advantage. President Donald Trump is scheduled to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin on Friday in Alaska, to discuss a path to ending the war that began when Russia invaded Ukraine 3 1/2 years ago. Before he does, his European allies would like to have a word. Chancellor Friedrich Merz of Germany will convene a Ukraine-themed video call Wednesday that is set to include Trump, Vice President JD Vance, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine and several of Trump's favorite European leaders, including Prime Minister Giorgi Meloni of Italy. A wide range of public statements from Merz and others suggest the leaders will implore Trump not to cut a peace deal with Putin behind the backs of Zelenskyy or his European allies. Zelenskyy has not been invited to Alaska. The European leaders will likely stress that any discussions of terms for ending the war must start with a full ceasefire. They also believe that Europe's approval is essential for any plans to enforce a truce with European troops. It will be the latest attempt by Merz and his European counterparts to head off Trump's unilateral impulses and to keep him from falling under Putin's sway -- though Merz and his allies almost never frame it that way. Instead, the center-right chancellor and fellow leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, regularly portray themselves as closely aligned with Trump on Ukraine, even as they publicly and privately encourage him to do more to support officials in Ukraine's capital, Kyiv. "We cannot accept that territorial issues between Russia and America are discussed or even decided over the heads of Europeans, over the heads of Ukrainians," Merz said in a television interview Sunday. "I assume that the American government sees it the same way. That is why there is this close coordination." Merz has staked much of his early term on rebuilding Germany's military and reclaiming its leadership position for Europe and the world, with a firm gaze toward Russia. He has courted Trump aggressively since taking office in early May, with text messages, phone calls, international summits and an Oval Office visit. He has relentlessly pitched Trump on the idea that by intervening boldly and decisively on the side of Ukraine against Russia, the United States could force Putin into a ceasefire and serious talks on ending the war. It has been the chancellor's primary request of the president, overwhelming other major issues, like Trump's push to impose new tariffs on Europe. Trump seemed receptive, to varying degrees, particularly as he grew frustrated in recent months with Putin's continued bombardments of Ukraine. He agreed to sell American weapons to Germany and others, to then be supplied to Kyiv, and he has threatened harsh economic penalties on Moscow if the war continues. But then, last week, after overtures from Putin, Trump shifted again. He hastily scheduled the Alaska meeting. This week, he told reporters he wanted to see what Putin had on his mind, and whether he could broker "a deal" on the war, including swaps of land currently held by Ukraine and Russia. Merz and his allies fear what that discussion could bring. So they have stacked the video call with top Europeans who enjoy good relations with Trump, including the leaders of Poland and Finland and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte. European leaders refuse to entertain any talk of redrawing borders before Putin agrees to a ceasefire. 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Trump could then threaten to pull crucial American intelligence support for Ukraine on the battlefield, as his administration briefly did this spring. Europe would continue to back Ukraine in that case, but its task would be far more difficult. Merz and other leaders have acknowledged the need for American support. Sauerbrey said that reality puts European leaders in a "very weak position" to negotiate with Trump. "They can hope and pray" and continue to flatter him, she said. "But that's pretty much all they have." This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

Before Trump talks to Putin, Germany and others want to bend his ear
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President Donald Trump is scheduled to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin on Friday in Alaska, to discuss a path to ending the war that began when Russia invaded Ukraine 3 1/2 years ago. Before he does, his European allies would like to have a word. Chancellor Friedrich Merz of Germany will convene a Ukraine-themed video call Wednesday that is set to include Trump, Vice President JD Vance, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine and several of Trump's favorite European leaders, including Prime Minister Giorgi Meloni of Italy. 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It will be the latest attempt by Merz and his European counterparts to head off Trump's unilateral impulses and to keep him from falling under Putin's sway -- though Merz and his allies almost never frame it that way. Live Events Instead, the center-right chancellor and fellow leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, regularly portray themselves as closely aligned with Trump on Ukraine, even as they publicly and privately encourage him to do more to support officials in Ukraine's capital, Kyiv. "We cannot accept that territorial issues between Russia and America are discussed or even decided over the heads of Europeans, over the heads of Ukrainians," Merz said in a television interview Sunday. "I assume that the American government sees it the same way. That is why there is this close coordination." Merz has staked much of his early term on rebuilding Germany's military and reclaiming its leadership position for Europe and the world, with a firm gaze toward Russia. He has courted Trump aggressively since taking office in early May, with text messages, phone calls, international summits and an Oval Office visit. He has relentlessly pitched Trump on the idea that by intervening boldly and decisively on the side of Ukraine against Russia, the United States could force Putin into a ceasefire and serious talks on ending the war. It has been the chancellor's primary request of the president, overwhelming other major issues, like Trump's push to impose new tariffs on Europe. Trump seemed receptive, to varying degrees, particularly as he grew frustrated in recent months with Putin's continued bombardments of Ukraine. He agreed to sell American weapons to Germany and others, to then be supplied to Kyiv, and he has threatened harsh economic penalties on Moscow if the war continues. But then, last week, after overtures from Putin, Trump shifted again. He hastily scheduled the Alaska meeting. This week, he told reporters he wanted to see what Putin had on his mind, and whether he could broker "a deal" on the war, including swaps of land currently held by Ukraine and Russia. Merz and his allies fear what that discussion could bring. So they have stacked the video call with top Europeans who enjoy good relations with Trump, including the leaders of Poland and Finland and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte. European leaders refuse to entertain any talk of redrawing borders before Putin agrees to a ceasefire. They do not want to negotiate away Ukrainian land that Russian forces do not currently hold. German officials have been more publicly oblique on whether they could support a truce that cedes some parts of prewar Ukraine to Russia, though privately, they have sounded resigned to the possibility. 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Sauerbrey said that reality puts European leaders in a "very weak position" to negotiate with Trump. "They can hope and pray" and continue to flatter him, she said. "But that's pretty much all they have." This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

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