JNUSU polls: With a divided Left, ABVP breaks decade-long drought with seat on central students' panel
While ABVP has hailed its victory as a triumph over the Left's 'ideological tyranny', Left-aligned groups have now begun a blame game, accusing each other of moving to form separate alliances.
New Delhi: Amid the rift among Left-aligned student groups, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-affiliated Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) has made significant inroads in the political landscape of Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)—a traditionally Left stronghold—by winning a central panel seat for the first time in a decade, along with 24 of the 46 councillor positions it contested in the students' union polls.
In contrast, a united Left front had defeated the ABVP in the 2024 JNUSU polls.
This year, ABVP's Vaibhav Meena, a student at the School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies, has secured the position of joint secretary.
The last time the ABVP won a central panel post was in 2015, when Saurav Sharma was elected joint secretary, marking the group's first entry into the JNUSU panel in 14 years. Before that, Sandeep Mahapatra from ABVP was elected the president of JNUSU in 2001.
Meena won by a narrow margin of 85 votes, defeating Naresh Kumar, the candidate from AISA-DSF (Democratic Students' Front) United Left Panel.
The margins for other positions were similarly close. For example, in the presidential race, Nitish Kumar of United Left Panel won by a gap of just 272 votes over the ABVP candidate. Meanwhile, the candidate from the SFI-led 'Left-Ambedkarite' alliance trailed ABVP's candidate by 512 votes.
In the race for the general secretary post, the ABVP candidate narrowly lost by 114 votes to AISA-DSF candidate, Munteha Fatima. In the vice president contest, the ABVP candidate was only 34 votes behind the candidate from AISA-DSF.
Rajeshwar Kant Dubey, president of the ABVP JNU unit, said, 'This victory signifies a democratic revolution against the ideological control the Left has maintained in JNU for years. ABVP will continue to work tirelessly, driven by its commitment to the student community and the noble mission of nation-building.'
However, AISA called ABVP's victory a 'shock' for the students' community. 'It is the need of the hour that all progressive organisations and forces on campus now resolve to come together to fight this formidable challenge of entrance of the ABVP in JNUSU. Despite the ABVP's victory, the overall mandate clearly manifests the student community's acceptance of the Left progressive politics,' AISA said in a statement.
Also Read: Allies turn rivals as JNU Left splits wide open ahead of deferred high-stakes student polls
'ABVP victory mirrors current dynamics of Indian politics'
According to students on campus, while ABVP has maintained a strong presence at JNU in recent years, the split between AISA and SFI played a significant role in allowing the party to secure a spot on the central panel.
'The fact that the margins between ABVP and the united Left panel are not very wide indicates that ABVP already has a strong foothold in JNU. However, if AISA and SFI had contested together, ABVP wouldn't have won that seat. This split has given it the opportunity to be part of the central panel again. The last time ABVP was on the central panel in 2015, the sedition row occurred,' Ashutosh Kumar, a postgraduate student at the School of Social Sciences, told ThePrint.
Students also view ABVP's victory as a reflection of the broader national political landscape.
'It mirrors the current dynamics of Indian politics, where the BJP has mastered the art of consolidating its own support base, while strategically fragmenting the Opposition. Just as the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) has managed to divide its rivals into multiple factions, the internal rifts within the Left student groups here at JNU have played into ABVP's hands, helping them secure a foothold on,' said Basant Kumar, a PhD scholar at School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies.
However, N. Sai Balaji, former JNUSU president and AISA member, said that it would be incorrect to claim that ABVP has 'unfurled the saffron flag' in JNU, as the majority of students still align with the Left. 'ABVP couldn't even win a single councillor seat from the School of Languages, the largest school in the university, which also saw the highest voter turnout. How can they call this a 'saffron wave'?' he remarked.
ABVP had contested 46 of the 48 councillor positions, and secured 24 of them, sweeping all the seats in the School of Engineering, School of Sanskrit and Indic Studies, and the Amalgamated Centre.
Blame game
In its statement, AISA pointed out that while AISA-DSF united to fight together, the SFI opted to form a separate alliance, which faced credibility issues throughout the election process.
'While SFI claimed that BAPSA (Birsa Ambedkar Phule Students' Association) was in an alliance with them, BAPSA came with a pamphlet that their organisation is not in alliance with SFI and the BAPSA candidate contested for the post of president in the elections. The opportunist and desperate attempt to appropriate the name of an Ambedkarite organisation was identified by the student community at large. The sectarian attitude manifested by the SFI shows in their performance on their presidential post, where they've secured 918 votes,' the organisation said.
In its statement, SFI's Delhi unit attributed the results of JNUSU elections to the fragmentation of progressive and Left forces on campus, which it identified as the primary reason for ABVP winning the joint secretary post, and coming close to victory in other central panel positions.
'This fragmentation is also why ABVP saw gains in the student council elections. With the two largest progressive student organisations, SFI and AISA, contesting from separate panels, the vote was split, significantly narrowing the margin of victory in the Central Panel races,' the statement further said. 'We hope that Progressive and Left forces take the requisite lessons from this Elections, and forge strong unity inside and outside the council to lead the student resistance against NEP—privatisation, centralisation and communalisation of education.'
(Edited by Mannat Chugh)
Also Read: House panel seeks 'Institute of Eminence' tag for JNU, more autonomy for colleges under existing IoEs
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hindustan Times
14 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
SGPC chief Dhami slams Giani Harpreet, says breakaway faction will deepen divisions in Panth
Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) president Harjinder Singh Dhami on Tuesday said that the elevation of former Takht Damdama Sahib jathedar Giani Harpreet Singh as the head of the breakaway Akali Dal faction will further intensify the fight within the community. SGPC president Harjinder Singh Dhami addressing a press conference on Tuesday. (Sameer Sehgal/HT) Replying to queries on the delegate session called by the Akal Takht-appointed committee mandated to recast the SAD, Dhami said the entire exercise was to make two Akali Dals. 'When I first heard that Giani Harpreet Singh wants to become president of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), I questioned him about this. He himself said that if both groups wished, he might become the president. Now, his long-cherished wish has been accomplished. This has created divisions in the panth. This will intensify the fight within the community,' Dhami said. Dhami said that as the chairperson of the seven-member committee, he made efforts to unite both the groups. 'I wanted to prevent the internal dispute in the panth. When I saw that my efforts were going in vain, I resigned from the committee and presidency of the SGPC,' he added. Dhami also questioned the delegate session and alleged that the entire process was pre-planned. 'They said they have elected 500 delegates. Have you got a list of the delegates? They are talking about the restoration of democracy within the party. Surjit Singh Rakhra announced a day before that Giani Harpreet Singh would become president and Satwant Kaur would head the panthic council. They failed to introduce a new system. Everything was finalised before the meeting of the delegates', he said. Dhami said SAD had split in the past as well, and through the election, people decided which one was real. 'However, I never saw that president of one faction calling for snatching of SGPC, party symbol and office. Is there any connection behind this language used by Giani Harpreet Singh? Such things never happened in the Sikh panth before. What is the intuition behind this statement? Anyone can contest SGPC elections to take its control?' the SGPC chief added. Responding to Giani Harpreet Singh's allegation that Centre is not conducting SGPC elections because it is in understanding with Sukhbir-led SAD, the SGPC chief said, 'This is not happening first time. There is no role of the SAD to prevent the polls. Punjab and Haryana high court has stayed the process after a petition was filed in this regard'. Hitting back at Dhami, some of the SGPC members, including Mithu Singh Kahneke, Malkit Singh Changal, Satwinder Singh Tohra and Jarnail Singh Kartarpur said, 'The internal war was started by none other than Sukhbir Singh Badal, and the SGPC chief supported him. Amid the calls for his resignation as party chief, Sukhbir started expelling his colleagues. That was the beginning of the internal war.' 'Sukhbir didn't implement the Jhundan committee report. It was all about monopolising control over the party. If Sukhbir had given up his control and allowed a universally accepted presidium to be formed, or appointed another president, or had a president elected through the seven-member committee, we would not be seeing this day today,' Kahneke said.
Hindustan Times
14 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
SC relief for ELV owners, to examine its 2018 order
The Supreme Court on Tuesday directed no coercive action to be taken against those driving 10-year-old diesel and 15-year-old petrol vehicles in Delhi, effectively staying the implementation of its own October 2018 order which signed off on a 2014 order of the National Green Tribunal seeking to keep polluting vehicles off the roads in an attempt to combat the Capital's noxious air. Soon after coming to power in Delhi, the BJP government of the UT decided to deny fuel supply to end-of-life vehicles, which have crossed the threshold of 10 and 15 years operating on diesel and petrol. (Arvind Yadav/HT PHOTO) The 2014 and 2018 orders were never strictly enforced, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which came to power this year in the Union territory, and which made pollution one of its campaign issues, sought to do so in April 2025 by denying fuel to overage vehicles — only to face significant pushback from people. The Delhi government, on July 25, then challenged the ban as unscientific and said a vehicle's fitness should be based on its emission level, and not age. A bench of Chief Justice of India (CJI) Bhushan R Gavai, justices K Vinod Chandran and NV Anjaria said, 'In the meantime, no coercive steps shall be taken against the owners of cars on the ground that they are 10 years old in respect of diesel and 15 years in respect of petrol vehicles.' The court issued notice on the Delhi government's application and posted the matter after four weeks. Solicitor general Tushar Mehta appeared for the Delhi government and sought urgent orders on the application claiming that the police is duty bound to act under the ban imposed by the court. 'Let there be no coercive action. Otherwise, police is under an obligation to take action against these vehicles,' Mehta said. There were similar applications moved by residents in Delhi and transport unions aggrieved by the ban. The court agreed to examine the issue. The order under challenge was passed by the top court on October 29, 2018 upholding the initial orders passed in this regard by the National Green Tribunal. The BJP-led government in Delhi said it was constrained to approach the top court considering the practical difficulties faced by the citizens in the Capital. The application filed last month said, 'To tackle the issue of pollution in the NCR region, a comprehensive policy is required which gives vehicle fitness based on the actual emission levels of an individual vehicle as per scientific methods rather than implementing a blanket ban based solely on the age of the vehicle.' The government also raised a public interest concern. It said, 'The directive to off road vehicles purely on the basis of age disproportionately affects middle-class citizens whose vehicles are less used, well-maintained, and compliant to fuel norms. It is submitted that the studies indicate that these vehicles often have significantly lower annual mileage and contribute negligibly to overall emissions.' It further stated that implementation of the court's order 'negatively affects' the market of second-hand cars, which alone is affordable by the poor and lower middle income class families residing in the region. Soon after coming to power in Delhi, the BJP government of the UT decided to deny fuel supply to end-of-life vehicles, which have crossed the threshold of 10 and 15 years operating on diesel and petrol. This decision was to be implemented from July 1. However, within days of implementation, the government sensed public sentiment and put its decision on hold. The application by the government acknowledged that the ban had a salutary aim in curbing pollution in Delhi over the past seven years. However, it said that the same was passed when Bharat Stage IV (BS-IV) emission standards were in force. Since April 2020, it added, Bharat Stage VI (BS-VI) has been implemented, which has much stricter and advanced norms. 'If the order of this court dated October 29, 2018 continues to operate, it will result in road worthy, non-polluting BS-VI vehicles also going off the roads in a matter of a few years without a scientific basis for the same…there does not appear to be a scientific basis for mandating that even BS-IV vehicles which meet PUC norms should be taken off the roads in Delhi NCR. These are serious issues which may require a fresh scientific evaluation,' the application said. The government's application said no data-based evidence currently exists to establish that all diesel vehicles older than 10 years or petrol vehicles older than 15 years are uniformly polluting. Instead, it said that the road-worthiness of a vehicle which is a technical and scientific issue must be linked to actual emissions as tested and recorded by mechanisms set out under the Motor Vehicles Act, the Central Motor Vehicles Rules, as opposed to a blanket ban on the basis of age which is unlinked to actual emissions. Prior to the SC order, the NGT had in November 2014 directed that all diesel vehicles (heavy or light) which are over 10 years old and petrol vehicles more than 15 years old will not be permitted to ply on Delhi roads. These orders were challenged multiple times before the top court which refused to interfere. On October 29, 2018, the court while considering the 92nd Report of the erstwhile Environmental Pollution Control Authority (now replaced by CAQM) accepted the suggestions of the amicus curiae endorsing the NGT order of November 2014. CAQM had used the VAHAN database to estimate 6.2 million ELVs (end of life vehicles) in Delhi, including 4.1 million two-wheelers and 1.8 million four-wheelers. However, government officials later clarified that this number includes vehicles that are already scrapped, de-registered, or issued no-objection certificates to be sold outside the NCR. A senior official familiar with the data said the actual number of ELVs still operating on Delhi roads is likely closer to 600,000—just 10% of the figure cited by CAQM. Delhi's total vehicle population is around 8.1 million, according to the Delhi Statistical Handbook 2024.
Indian Express
14 minutes ago
- Indian Express
‘Never thought we would see his face again': 19-year-old Bengal migrant returns weeks after sent to Bangladesh
A 19-year-old Bengali migrant who was detained by Rajasthan police on June 19 and later deported to Bangladesh has finally returned home, his family and local leaders said on Tuesday. The case came to light after a video of Amir Sheikh, filmed in Bangladesh, circulated on social media. Amir, a resident of Jalalpur village under Kaliachowk police station in Malda, had gone to Rajasthan to work as a construction labourer. However, his family lost contact with him after his detention. Amir lost his mother five years ago and his father works as a migrant labourer in Uttar Pradesh. Ajmal said the family first saw the video last month and learned that Amir had been pushed into Bangladesh. ' We got a call last evening from someone in Basirhat. I did not know who he was. We then spoke with Amir on video call. I identified him. He said he was in a Bangladesh jail. Then we were told that he would be brought back. This morning we received another call stating that he is with the BSF. We are waiting for further instructions,' Ajmal said. In a video message on social media, Isha Khan Choudhury, Congress MP from Malda Dakshin Lok Sabha constituency, said central agencies and the Border Security Forces (BSF) had traced Amir. 'We are happy to share with the people of the constituency and press colleagues that a wrongly expelled Indian citizen was traced in Bangladesh by the central government and BSF,' she said. After being detained in the labour camp in Rajasthan, Mr Amir Sheikh is being released today. BSF ADG of West Bengal told me that Amir Sheikh is now in BSF control. They will inform the family today about the development.' 'Earlier I had spoken to the home secretary and BSF DG over the issue. I hope such an incident never takes place in the country. Indian citizens and travel throughout the country. It is a fundamental right. It is sad that the person was arrested and deported. But today is a happy day that he has been brought back to India,' added Choudhury in his message. Samirul Islam, TMC Rajya Sabha MP and chairman of the West Bengal Migrant Labour Welfare Board, said the family had been supported from the start. 'Amir Sk, a migrant worker from Malda's Kaliachak, was deported to Bangladesh by the Rajasthan police. Since his deportation, we have been with the family from day one, extending all kinds of support to them. We also helped his father move the Calcutta High Court with a habeas corpus petition. Following the petition, top Rajasthan government officials and those from the Centre were summoned by the hon'ble court. The case was scheduled to be heard tomorrow,' he said. 'As interestingly there was no way to repatriate Amir except through legal intervention, as he had been tagged under a case involving illegal entry into Bangladesh. Amid such a situation, the central government is now trying to repatriate Amir Sheikh to his Malda home to save face and avoid the legal blow for the illegal pushback,' Islam added. ' One has to do something so that this trend of pushing out our Bengal residents to Bangladesh stops. There should be proper rehabilitation for such victims,' said Asif Faruk, state general secretary of the Parijayi Sramik Aikya Manch (Migrant Workers' Unity Forum). In the video last month, accessed by The Indian Express, Amir Sheikh is seen speaking to residents in Bangladesh. He identifies himself, shares his West Bengal address, and alleges that after being detained for two months, he was recently sent across the border into Bangladesh. The incident comes in the wake of similar cases across several states, including Haryana, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Delhi and Madhya Pradesh. On June 14, seven residents of West Bengal were detained in Mumbai and later pushed into Bangladesh by the BSF. After intervention by the West Bengal government, four youths from Murshidabad, one from Purba Bardhaman and a husband-wife duo from North 24 Parganas were brought back.
