From the margins to the centre

The Hindu

6 hours ago

The idea of the Global South historically referred to the grouping of countries primarily in Asia, Africa and Latin America that shared a history of colonialism and ongoing struggles against global inequalities. They sought to transform a historically Western-dominated world order through 'South-South cooperation' — a set of practices and organising concepts that these nations aim to use to achieve development through mutual assistance and increased solidarity among themselves.
This aspiration has roots in landmark initiatives such as the Bandung Conference of 1955 and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), which sought to foster economic and cultural cooperation while promoting human rights and establishing a New International Economic Order (NIEO). These movements aimed to counteract the vertical power relations between former colonies and their colonisers, advocating for fair trade relationships, sovereignty over natural resources, and the right to nationalise key industries.
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The Global South has never been monolithic. Its diversity — vastly different histories, economies and political systems — has been both a potential source of strength and a cause of internal divisions that complicate efforts to form unified positions on global issues.
However, the BRICS grouping has emerged as a more solidified possibility, representing a formalised attempt to advance many of the Global South's aims, even if it doesn't entirely embody its full aspirations or overcome all its inherent contradictions.
The recent BRICS summit held in Rio de Janeiro exemplified this challenge, with members navigating different relationships with both the U.S. and Russia, particularly regarding the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, where most BRICS members have sought a middle ground in contrast to Western positions.
Institutional voice
BRICS began as an economic acronym coined by Goldman Sachs economist Jim O'Neill in 2001. It has now evolved into a substantial intergovernmental organisation comprising 35% of the global economy and almost half of the world's population — surpassing the G7's 30% economic share as of 2024.
The bloc's primary objectives centre on fostering economic, political, and social cooperation among members while increasing their collective influence in international governance. This includes advocating for greater representation in global bodies, coordinating economic policy, and reducing reliance on the U.S. dollar. Initiatives such as the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) were designed to offer alternatives to Western-dominated financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
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The Rio summit demonstrated both the potential and limitations of this approach. The declaration's strong language on Gaza and Iran reflected genuine consensus on critical geopolitical issues as opposed to the West's view, while India's successful inclusion of condemnation of the Pahalgam terror attack showcased the bloc's capacity to address diverse security concerns. The summit also endorsed expanded roles for India and Brazil in the UN Security Council, advancing a long-standing demand for greater Global South representation.
Significantly, the summit introduced a new 'partner countries' category, extending associate status to nations including Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Thailand, Uganda, and Uzbekistan. This institutional innovation suggests BRICS is evolving beyond its original membership structure to accommodate broader Global South participation.
Priorities and realities
The Global South's diversity becomes particularly apparent when examining BRICS members' different regional contexts and priorities. Brazil's focus on environmental issues and sustainable development reflects its role as a guardian of the Amazon rainforest, while also serving its agribusiness interests. India's emphasis on technology and services reflects its emergence as a global IT powerhouse, even as it maintains significant agricultural and manufacturing sectors.
China's Belt and Road Initiative represents perhaps the most ambitious attempt at South-South cooperation, yet it has also generated concerns about debt dependency among recipient countries. Russia's inclusion in BRICS, despite its geographical location largely in the Global North, reflects how the grouping wants to transcend simple geographical boundaries for shared interests in challenging Western hegemony.
Intra-BRICS trade has grown at a faster pace than that of G7 countries, demonstrating tangible shifts in global economic activity. Trade between Brazil and China increased fiftyfold in 20 years, and China-India trade rose 28 times in the same period. The NDB has begun providing alternative funding for sustainable development and infrastructure projects, addressing perceived gaps left by traditional financial institutions.
Yet, the path to challenging Western economic dominance faces significant obstacles. The U.S. dollar remains entrenched as the world's principal reserve currency, used in the vast majority of global trade transactions. While BRICS advocates for lesser dependence on the dollar, creating a workable alternative currency system faces enormous technical and political hurdles.
Internal Contradictions
A critical examination of BRICS reveals inherent contradictions that mirror broader challenges in South-South cooperation. While the rhetoric emphasises solidarity and mutual benefit, the pursuit of national interests by individual members can overshadow collective goals.
For example, China's domination within the grouping has resulted in lopsided economic engagement with other developing nations, leading to what some critics have termed 'near-colonial patterns of trade', where raw materials are exported to China in exchange for manufacturing goods. Brazil's advocacy for fairer global trading systems, while simultaneously pursuing the interests of its competitive export-oriented agribusiness sector, exemplifies how national economic interests can complicate collective solidarity. Russia's recent actions in Ukraine negate the idea of South-South cooperation as a legacy of former colonised nations.
Besides, Western powers have not remained passive observers of BRICS' growth. Donald Trump, responding to the bloc's criticism of unilateral tariffs and military strikes on Iran, threatened that any country 'aligning itself with' what he termed 'the Anti-American policies of BRICS' would face an additional 10% tariff. This marked an escalation from his earlier threats of 100% tariffs if BRICS countries attempted to replace the U.S. dollar as a reserve currency.
Moreover, Western institutions have shown capacity to adapt and co-opt rising powers. The emergence of the G20 can be seen as a response designed to give emerging economies a seat at the table, even if decision-making remains largely influenced by dominant Western powers.
Beyond National Interests: A People-Centered Vision
As India prepares to assume BRICS leadership next year with its theme of 'Building Resilience and Innovation for Cooperation and Sustainability', the bloc stands at a crossroads. As the world's largest democracy and a major economy with complex relationships with both China and the U.S., India may be uniquely positioned to bridge internal divisions within BRICS. However, ongoing border tensions with China and India's growing strategic partnership with the U.S. through initiatives such as the Quad complicate its role as a unifying force.
BRICS undoubtedly represents the most viable institutional expression of Global South aspirations, offering developing nations unprecedented collective economic leverage and political voice in global affairs. However, its current trajectory risks becoming merely another arena for great power competition rather than genuine transformation. The bloc's ultimate promise lies not in replacing Western hegemony with a new form of elite-driven multipolarity, but in evolving into a platform that prioritises the developmental needs and democratic aspirations of the Global South's peoples.