Modi at 11: PM increases vitality gap with opposition as new challenges loom

Time of India

a day ago

One year ago, when
Narendra Modi
began his record-equalling third term, the mood in
BJP
and the larger saffron fraternity was far from that of unalloyed celebration. Contrary to the near-total consensus that BJP would surpass its 2019 score of 303, the party's tally had dropped to a modest 240, forcing it to depend on the support of TDP and JD(U) to form the govt.
Instantly, commentary was rife that the law of diminishing returns had finally caught up with the man who had defied the capriciousness of public sentiment as well as the headwinds and vicissitudes which had, quite predictably, marked his 10 years, not just to maintain but to improve his standing with the voter.
True to himself,
Modi
struck a sunny note, focusing on the positive takeaways from the less-than-satisfactory outcome.
But that was not enough to quell the doubts gnawing at supporters. Rivals, of course, were jubilant, not letting their third consecutive defeat come in the way of celebrations.
But it did not take long for the pall of uncertainty to lift. BJP's victories in Maharashtra, Haryana and Delhi proved wrong those who had rushed to write the obituaries. It failed to form a govt in Jammu and Kashmir, but its performance in Jammu was yet another indication of its superiority over Congress in straight contests: something that the defeat in Jharkhand could not erase.
by Taboola
by Taboola
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Undo
Several factors contributed to the outcomes. But Modi's continuing popularity was, unarguably, the common thread. Together, they also showed that the opposition, particularly, had drawn disproportionate conclusions from the setback in the Lok Sabha polls. Also, the gambits, for instance, the unsubstantiated charge about a conspiracy to abolish quotas or the consolidation of Muslims in favour of the opposition, may not necessarily be all-weather winners.
Modi, keeping any disappointment over the dip in numbers to himself, had started his third innings on a brisk note, in any case. The electoral wins came as an impetus, countering the hope of opponents and the fear of supporters that his dependence on allies, both of whom were tough bargainers, would force him to govern with one hand tied behind his back. The enactment of the Waqf Bill is a prime example. Both TDP and JD(U) supported the legislation, dubbed communal by the opposition, which tried to bait them into breaking ranks with BJP by saying that the stands of N Chandrababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar would be a litmus test of their secular credentials.
Changes in the waqf law affect powerful interests among Muslims far more directly than the abrogation of J&K's special status. Understandably, the lobbying against the move was more intense, often threatening to match the feverish heights last seen over the Shah Bano case and the Babri demolition.
If Naidu and Nitish stayed firm, it was because of the simple calculation that Modi's enduring appeal would more than compensate for any loss of Muslim support they still had.
There is no sign yet of the opposition closing the vitality gap that Modi has opened up. It is 11 years since he took over, but he has not stopped taking either initiatives or plotting counter-manoeuvres to disrupt opposition's plans. The decision on caste census is a classic example of Modi coming up with a move which the rival had not anticipated. With this single move, he undercut Rahul Gandhi's effort over the years to cast himself as a social justice warrior.
That it came in the wake of Pahalgam only added to the audacity.
Operation Sindoor only served to strengthen Brand Modi. India won this round decisively, with satellite images of the losses inflicted by the Indian Air Force deep inside Pakistan and the destruction of the hostile neighbour's strategic bases providing tell-tale evidence. No amount of scorekeeping of losses, both real and imaginary, and the embrace of US President Donald Trump's claim to have brokered the 'ceasefire' can take away from this.
Looked at purely through the prism of politics, it has recharged the PM's 'jo kaha so kiya' persona and, given the performance of indigenous weapons systems, should put an end to the mocking of his 'Make-in-India' ambition.
The military confrontation and its aftermath have seen justified criticism of the outlandish claims made by ultra-zealous individuals on social media and in a few newsrooms. But what has gone unnoticed is the readiness of society to back him to the hilt, regardless of what turn a conflict between two nuclear-armed adversaries might take.
Starting with Uri in 2016 and through Balakot, Modi had single-handedly created a new national resolve, which speaks to the people's trust in him.
The 'surrender' charge does not seem to bother the Prime Minister. Otherwise, he would not have accepted the invitation to attend the G-7 meeting in Canada, where Trump will loom large.
The coming days will not be easy. In Bihar, he will have to strain hard to offset Nitish's incumbency. Global volatility, Trump's tariff war, the general uncertainty that he has generated, and the possibility that Pakistan's military-jihadi complex may try to avenge their humiliation: all these add up to a challenging task. The BJP organisation has not been in good shape for quite some time. A reorganisation has been delayed, putting him and his trusted associate Amit Shah under strain.
But don't be surprised if he negotiates them well. He has a proven track record, dating back to 2002 when he took over as chief minister of Gujarat, as well as the crucial wherewithal in the form of a reservoir of goodwill.