PM Modi distributes 51,000 jobs via Rozgar Mela, total appointments hit 10 lakh
With this round, the Rozgar Mela has so far issued more than 10 lakh appointment letters since its launch in 2022. The initiative is aimed at accelerating recruitment into government jobs and addressing critical staffing gaps in various departments.In his remarks, Prime Minister Modi reiterated the government's commitment to giving employment generation the highest priority, and described the Rozgar Mela as a platform to empower India's youth and strengthen public institutions.'This is not merely a job offer. It is a responsibility, and a chance to contribute to nation-building,' he said.INDUCTION AND TRAINING PROGRAMMESOfficials added that the newly recruited personnel will undergo induction and training programmes to help them adapt to their roles. The government also highlighted how the Rozgar Mela has helped make hiring more efficient, transparent, and regionally inclusive.Going forward, the government is expected to continue holding Rozgar Mela events regularly, aiming to fill more vacancies and bring young professionals into the fold of public service.The Rozgar Mela does not create or offer new jobs -- it is primarily a platform where the government formally distributes appointment letters to candidates who have already been selected through existing recruitment processes.These appointments are usually to central government departments, public sector units, or defence forces and are part of ongoing recruitment drives.- EndsMust Watch
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News18
29 minutes ago
- News18
RIC Returns: The Russia-India-China Trilateral Builds Leverage For India
By keeping the RIC option open, India signals to the West that its partnership shouldn't be taken for granted, while also strengthening the ongoing reset in relations with China The old idea of Russia-India-China (RIC) coming together as a powerful trilateral force is making a quiet return. It was once a bold vision: an idea floated over three decades ago to reshape the global order by bringing together the three largest Eurasian powers outside the Western bloc. But as talk of its revival grows louder, especially from Moscow and Beijing, it's India's measured response that stands out. The coming months will be crucial. Prime Minister Narendra Modi might attend the SCO summit in Beijing alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Putin is expected to visit India for the Russia-India annual summit—and India is also going to be hosting the Quad summit. The question is whether the RIC can see the light of day in the middle of all this. There are opportunities and obstacles in this time frame. While the USA-China-Russia dynamic boosts the relevance of RIC to Moscow and Beijing, the India-China equation weakens it. Ultimately, it depends on where India-US ties stand, the message India chooses to send to Trump, and also on how China behaves. It's not the first time we're hearing about the Russia-India-China (RIC) triangle. Dreamed up after the Cold War ended in the 1990s, the RIC idea was supposed to be a bold answer to a world order dominated by the West. The Russian Foreign Minister, Yevgeny Primakov, suggested then that three rising Asian giants—Russia, India, and China—should come together to reshape the rules. But while Russia and China are once again talking up the RIC, India has been measured in its approach. However, it is coming around. India describes RIC as a consultative mechanism where the three countries 'come and discuss global issues and regional issues of interest to them". And yet, the dates are yet to be worked out. As per MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal, 'It is something that will be worked out among the three countries in a mutually convenient manner, and we will let you know as and when that happens at an appropriate time when the meeting is to take place". This is an old idea being revisited. But there was a reason why it did not take off in the past. When the RIC dialogue began in the early 2000s, Russia and India were inching close on energy and defence collaboration. Two agreements with China in 2003 and 2005 on boundary disputes stabilised India-China ties. Meanwhile, all three countries sought deep ties with the US and Europe. Russia craved a fresh relationship with America after the Soviet collapse. China was riding high on Western investment and trade. India was opening up to the world, and signed a civil nuclear deal with the US. There was no high-intensity friction with the US, and so the triangle never took off. Later, things got more complicated when China flouted boundary agreements, and started the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor or CPEC, which passes through occupied Indian territory. Meanwhile, Russia's ties with the West were frayed after it took Crimea from Ukraine in 2014. And yet, by 2019, there was a formal leaders-level RIC summit in June 2019, on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Osaka, Japan. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, President Vladimir Putin, and President Xi Jinping met and discussed global issues, multilateralism, and reform of institutions like the WTO and the UN. This was significant, but the high was over soon. China's border aggression in the Himalayas led to the bloody Galwan clash, after which India-China ties unravelled. Moreover, if you fast forward from 2019 to today, the world is messier. The West is divided. The US under Trump is unpredictable. Trade wars are heating up. And the Ukraine war and subsequent Western sanctions have pushed Russia even closer to China. Both Russia and China want to revive the RIC format. Russia has openly called for it. China has nodded in agreement. But India hasn't said much—at least not yet. While Russia's crashing ties with the West are a factor in India's hesitation, the real issue is China. There's deep strategic discomfort with China. India and China are in the midst of a reset. Rebuilding rules of engagement and seeking a bare-minimum level of trust is required to normalise economic relations and scale down military build-up on both sides at the border. Most recently, India reopened tourist visas for Chinese nationals after China's resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra. Yet, there is a giant trust deficit—with China's unwavering support to Pakistan even during Operation Sindoor, its weaponisation of trade dominance in rare earths, its claims on Arunachal Pradesh and an ambitious dam project on the Yarlung Tsangpo which may affect water levels in the Brahmaputra river. Still, the RIC is significant. For India, it's about leverage. By teasing the idea of RIC, India gets to build leverage. It's an obvious geographical mandate that the three Asian giants should come together and build a mutual understanding on matters of concern. Russia and China are craving for it— to seek India out and send a collective message to the West. Meanwhile, Trump threatens 10 per cent tariffs for BRICS countries, and a whopping 100 per cent tariff on nations buying Russian oil. Europe has sanctioned a major Indian refinery. And the US-India trade deal still hangs in the balance, with no certainty. Moreover, with the White House warming up to Pakistan and Trump repeating claims that he ended the India-Pakistan conflict, even when India denies that— there is something fundamentally broken in the India-US relationship. Trump's threats and coercion are challenging and his overtures to Pakistan are further eroding trust. By keeping the RIC option open, India signals to the West that its partnership shouldn't be taken for granted, while also strengthening the ongoing reset in relations with China—both of which are strategically important. RIC for India is not about being anti-western. At its core, RIC was never meant to be anti-Western. It was supposed to be a counterbalance—an alternative centre of power in a multipolar world. A non-West construct. Today's version of RIC seems more loaded. With Russia under Western sanctions, and China increasingly hostile to US allies in the Indo-Pacific, the grouping risks looking like a bloc of grievance rather than a vision. India doesn't want to be part of an anti-West club. It still values its partnerships with the US, Japan, Australia, and Europe. But it also wants to keep its options open. And for that, flirting with the RIC idea makes sense. RIC is not about shifting camps. India doesn't want to be in anyone's camp. It's about hedging bets, playing the field smartly, and maintaining strategic autonomy. About the Author Shubhangi Sharma Shubhangi Sharma is News Editor - Special Projects at News18. She covers foreign affairs and geopolitics, and also keeps a close watch on the national pulse of India. tags : China donald trump India pakistan Russia United states view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 28, 2025, 15:29 IST News opinion Finepoint | RIC Returns: The Russia-India-China Trilateral Builds Leverage For India Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Time of India
35 minutes ago
- Time of India
America is slipping behind India's clean power boom
Once upon a time, the US was the sole clean energy superpower . Until 2011, it led the world in connecting wind and solar generators to the grid. Then China took over, to a point where its lead now looks unassailable: The People's Republic added eight times more renewables than the US last year. This year, India is likely to overtake too. The country connected 22 gigawatts of wind and solar in the first half — a dramatic recovery from a troubling slowdown in 2022 and 2023, and enough at full output to power nearly one-tenth of the grid. Assuming this is maintained through December, that should put India ahead of the 40 GW that the US government expects this year. It's also setting the world's most populous nation on course to hit a target of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's that once seemed implausible: to reach 500 GW of non-fossil generation by 2030. Such a shift will herald the dawn of a new clean energy superpower, and give the world some of its best hopes of averting disastrous climate change. It's a remarkable turnaround for a country whose renewable industry looked like a lost cause barely more than a year ago. What happened? One factor is financing. Easing inflation has allowed the Reserve Bank of India to cut its policy rate by a percentage point since December to the lowest in three years. This reduces the price of renewables, which are particularly exposed to debt costs. Regulatory deadlines have also played a role: A waiver on transmission charges for wind and solar expired at the end of last month, causing developers to rush to complete their builds in time to get the financial benefit. The end of that waiver may cause a wobble for the sector over the next year or so, but the changes will be introduced slowly. Over the balance of the decade there's now good reason to think the recent pace can be sustained. The rash of projects breaking ground this past year means about 414 GW of clean power is already either operating or under construction, including nuclear and hydroelectric plants. That's not far off the 500 GW target, and we've still got more than five years to go. Industrialists are counting on it. Solar panel manufacturing has been ramping up to the point where it now runs far in excess of domestic demand, at 91 GW. With lower tariffs into the US than their rivals in China and Southeast Asia, this excess of supply might make local panel makers rare beneficiaries of President Donald Trump's war on clean energy. That certainly seems to be the assumption of a group of US competitors, who last week sought anti-dumping measures to keep Indian products out of their market. For many years, India had a skeptical take on the energy transition, arguing since the 1970s that poverty was a more pressing problem than protecting the environment. The difference now is that zero-carbon power is decisively cheaper than the competition. Rising incomes, meanwhile, mean the government needs to also think about the needs of roughly half a billion middle-class citizens, who worry more about where to find a good job in a clean, livable city than the basics of subsistence living. India is still building coal-fired power plants to make sure those newly-minted urbanites don't suffer power cuts in the middle of punishing heatwaves, but they're not necessarily being used. Thanks to milder weather than in recent years and the rising volumes of renewables pushing it off the grid, fossil-fired power generation fell 4% in the first half relative to 2024. That's the first time it has dropped since the Covid-19 pandemic hit in 2020, and occurred even as electricity generation rose 0.8%. Retirements of old plants mean that fossil-generation capacity has actually declined slightly so far this year. It's still possible that emissions from India's power sector won't peak until well into the 2030s. Even so, the faster rollout of renewables, combined with declining pollution from China and the rich world, means the global picture is improving faster than you'd realize if you were focused only on the steampunk posturing in Washington. Renewable power isn't just cleaner — it's cheaper, and more suited to the aspirations of the billions in the Global South who want a better, healthier life. Rich nations like the US can afford the indulgence of a campaign against modern energy, at least until their citizens realize how badly they're being shortchanged. It's a fatal myopia, though. For all Trump likes to boast of energy dominance, America is falling behind on the most important energy technologies of the 21st century.
Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Tripura clash: BJP workers attacked over listening to PM Modi's Mann Ki Baat; 2 arrested
AI Image NEW DELHI: Two individuals were arrested in Tripura's Khowai district for allegedly attacking BJP workers who were listening to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Mann Ki Baat radio programme, with chief minister Manik Saha directing police to take strict action against those involved in the incident. At least seven BJP workers were injured in the attack, with three requiring hospitalization at BGP Hospital in Agartala. The attackers also set fire to ten motorcycles and two vehicles belonging to BJP workers. Sub-Divisional Police Officer of Khowai, Kudiarasu, confirmed that two suspects were arrested based on the FIR, while two others were brought in for questioning. The arrested individuals will face court proceedings on Monday. BJP's Mandal president for Asharambari Assembly constituency, Jayanta Debbarma, filed an FIR naming 30 people as suspects in the attack. Chief minister Saha held BJP's alliance partner Tipra Motha Party (TMP) responsible for the violence. The arrests came after his strong message to the police regarding the incident. "Strongly condemn the violent & undemocratic attack by TIPRA Motha party workers during Hon'ble PM Narendra Modi Ji's #MannKiBaat programme at Asharambari," Saha stated in a Facebook post. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like How Much Does a Bali Vacation Really Cost? Liseer Learn More Undo The alleged attackers were supporters of the Tipra Motha Party, according to reports. The chief minister described the incident as a "shameful and undemocratic" act. The arrested suspects will be produced before a local court, where police will seek remand for further interrogation.
