
Ramchander Rao ups the ante against Congress and Kharge
Addressing the media later, he stated that the Congress had failed to consider the needs of people during its 50 years of governance.
"The public, fed up with the corrupt rule of the Congress, has defeated the party three times in a row, demanding a Congress-mukt Bharat. While the BJP works for the people, the Congress works for power and corruption," he observed.
Deploring the Congress, he remarked that 'AICC' stands for the 'All India Cheating Committee'. He said that the Congress party in the state had been encountering significant opposition from the public shortly after assuming power—something no other party had experienced so quickly. He predicted that in the upcoming elections to local bodies, people would send a strong message to the Congress.
Regarding the Congress's claim that it would win 100 MLA and 15 MP seats in the next Assembly and parliamentary elections respectively, he commented that perhaps the Congress leaders misspoke and actually intended to say that the BJP would achieve these numbers.
Ramachandra Rao expressed his confidence that in the coming days, people of Telangana would chant slogans like "Congress- mukt Bharat," emphasizing that the BJP would mount a just fight against the Congress government for deceiving the public. He decried that Telangana, once a prosperous state, had been reduced to a state of begging under the Congress now and BRS earlier. However, he asserted that the BJP would work unitedly to bring the party to power in the state, contesting all positions in the elections to local bodies, from ward members to ZPTCs, and winning the most seats.
The state BJP chief stated that the BJP was growing stronger and was certain to come to power in Telangana soon. He said that terms like "secularism" and "socialism" were introduced after the Emergency imposed by the then Congress regime. He claimed that the Congress had intertwined these concepts with religious politics, violating the rights of the people. Ramachandra Rao emphasized that the Modi government was dedicated to serving the poor and marginalized, adding 'Prime Minister Modi comes from a backward class'. More than half of the Chief Ministers in BJP-ruled states belong to Backward Classes.
Ramachandra Rao highlighted that the BJP was gaining special support in rural areas. With victories in the last Assembly elections, when they won eight MLA and 8 MP seats, along with 3 seats in the recent MLC elections, the party was showing signs of strengthening, which is reflected in its steadily increasing vote share across the state.
The BJP chief accused the Congress government of betraying the Backward Classes, stating that it had no genuine plan for ensuring 42 per cent reservation in elections to local bodies. It had merely made promises to divert attention from the BJP. He pointed out that the BJP supported the BC bill for 42 per cent reservation, and now it would implement its promise.
Ramachandra Rao contested claims that the state was facing a shortage of urea and said that under PM Modi, the Centre had allocated 12 lakh metric tonnes of urea to Telangana -- 2 lakh metric tonnes more than what the state requires. He blamed the Congress-led state government for not supplying urea to farmers in time. He dared the Congress to debate the urea supply issue and disclose what they had done with the stocks received. Finally, he pointed out that the Congress government had pledged to provide 2 lakh jobs annually. With 1.3 lakh job vacancies remaining when the BRS government yielded power to the Congress, he questioned why the Congress government had not filled these positions. He reiterated that the Modi government had allocated Rs. 12 lakh crore for the development of Telangana and invited the Congress to debate this allocation.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Hindustan Times
3 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
40 years of Assam Accord: A lookback at gains and unfulfilled clauses
On Tuesday, leaders from Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), a regional party in Assam, met Congress MP and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, in Delhi. Also present were Assam Congress president and the party's deputy leader in Lok Sabha, Gaurav Gogoi, and two other Congress MPs from the state Pradyut Bordoloi and Rakibul Hussain. Leaders from Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP), a regional party in Assam, met Congress MP and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, in Delhi. (@INCAssam) Among other issues including next year's assembly polls in the northeastern state and a likely alliance between AJP and Congress, the leaders discussed the Assam Accord and its implementation. The regional party's president Lurinjyoti Gogoi later told journalists that he urged Gandhi to raise the issue of non-implementation of critical clauses of the accord in Parliament. The accord, which was signed on August 15, 1985 to mark the end of a six-year agitation against illegal immigrants (especially those from Bangladesh), to which Gandhi's father, the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, was also a signatory, will complete 40 years this Friday. The accord signed by the union government and All Assam Students Union (AASU) and All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP), the two organisations from the state that had spearheaded the 1979-1985 agitation, is considered as the most important deal to stop illegal immigration, detect and deport foreigners residing in the state and give constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards for Assamese people. Over the past four decades many of the clauses in the accord have been fulfilled. But the core issues of fencing the entire border with Bangladesh to prevent entry of illegal immigrants, detection and deportation of all foreigners who entered the state after March 25, 1971 (the day Bangladesh came into being) and providing constitutional safeguards to Assamese people remain unfulfilled despite assurances by successive governments from different political parties including Congress, Asom Gana Parishad (formed after signing of the accord) and Bharatiya Janata Party. Assam has a separate government department, set up in 1986, to implement the accord The agitation and the accord The Assam Agitation started in 1979 after names of several thousands of dubious citizens got included in the electoral rolls of Mangaldai constituency ahead of the 1980 Lok Sabha polls. This led to fears among indigenous groups that if the influx from Bangladesh continued unabated, it would lead to political, social and demographic sidelining of the original inhabitants. The protests over the next six years were led by AASU and organisations like AAGSP and saw participation from all sections of society. Though the agitation was mainly non-violent, over 800 people were killed in police action and nearly 2,000 killed in a single night in 1983 when members of indigenous groups attacked villages in Nellie of Bengali-speaking Muslims with origins in Bangladesh. The agitation came to an end following signing of the accord. 'Foreigners who came to Assam on or after March 25, 1971 shall continue to be detected, deleted and expelled in accordance with law. Immediate and practical steps shall be taken to expel such foreigners,' stated one of the main clauses of the agreement. It added that the international border (with Bangladesh) shall be made secure against future infiltration by erection of physical barriers like walls. barbed wire fencing and other obstacles at appropriate places. Strengthening of security arrangements to prevent future infiltration adequate number of check posts would be set up, it mentioned. Clause 6 of the accord stipulates, 'Constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards, as may be appropriate, shall be provided to protect, preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the Assamese people'. Over the past decades some of the demands raised by AASU and few included in the accord have been met. Establishment of the sprawling Srimanta Sankardeva Kalakshetra in Guwahati for preservation, promotion and upliftment of culture of the people of Assam is one. Setting up of the Numaligarh Refinery Limited, the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) in Guwahati and two central universities, Tezpur University in Tezpur and Assam University in Silchar are other such completed projects. But issues like fencing the 267-km border Assam shares with Bangladesh, which is crucial to put an end to infiltration from the neighbouring country, is yet to be completed. Of the total border around 61 km, most of which falls in riverine areas, remain unprotected. Minister for implementation of the accord, Atul Bora, told the state assembly that fencing has been completed while the rest 39-40 km still remain open. Implementation of another prominent clause regarding detection and deportation of illegal immigrants also remains partial. While there is no exact number of such persons residing in Assam some estimates say they could be anywhere from 1 to 4 million or even more. The final report on updation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) for the state, which was supervised by the Supreme Court with the aim of weeding out illegal immigrants and got over in August 2019, had left out 1.9 million applicants. But that figure is debated, the list is yet to be ratified by the Registrar General of India and several petitions are pending in the apex court seeking partial or complete overhaul of the 5-year-long exercise. In the same reply to the assembly in February, Bora had mentioned that since signing of the accord, and until December 31, 2024, at least 165,531 illegal immigrants residing in Assam had been detected and declared as foreigners by tribunals specially set up for that purpose--cases against nearly 85,000 others who are suspected to be illegal foreigners are still pending. Bora had told the assembly that of those detected 30,115 were deported. Details on the rest are sketchy. In May this year, chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had stated that nearly 30,000 of those declared foreigners by tribunals had gone missing with no details of their whereabouts at present. Contentious Clause 6 But the most highlighted and controversial of all things in the accord is Clause 6 that promised 'constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards' to protect the identity and heritage of 'Assamese people'. But since the accord doesn't clearly define who would be considered as 'Assamese people', there's confusion on who would enjoy the constitutional safeguards. Implementation of Clause 6 remained in the backburner for over three decades till the BJP-led government in Centre formed a committee in 2019 to suggest recommendations. The 13-member committee headed by Justice (Retd) Biplab Kumar Sarma had submitted its report to the then chief minister Sarbananda Sonowal in February 2020. It had stipulated 1951 as the cut-off date to determine who an Assamese is (those who themselves or their ancestors were living in the state in that year). Other recommendations of the committee include protection of the state's culture, heritage and languages, job safeguards (100% reservation in Grade III and IV jobs and 70% in Grade I and II jobs for Assamese people), protection of land of indigenous people as well reservations in parliamentary and assembly seats for indigenous people. The recommendations again took a backseat for five years till the state government and AASU reached an agreement in February this year on implementing 38 of the 52 recommendations of the committee. CM Sarma stated that those would include mandatory inclusion of Assamese language as a subject in all schools of Brahmaputra Valley and Assamese and Bodo languages as subjects in all schools in the Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR). Similarly, all schools will have to teach students about Assam's history and geography mandatorily till Class 8. It was decided that the state government and AASU would continue deliberations on how to implement the rest of the recommendations and also urge the Centre to find ways to take forward some other recommendations like reservations in Lok Sabha and assembly seats for indigenous people, which don't fall under purview of the state government. With elections happening in few months and issues like illegal immigrants, evictions of 'suspected Bangladeshis' from government and forest lands, rights of indigenous people coming to focus again, the Assam Accord and its implementation will again hit headlines with parties doling out assurances and blaming rivals for the long delay in reaching its stated objectives.

Time of India
3 minutes ago
- Time of India
Russian Forces Destroys Ukraine's Long-Range Missile Facilities Ahead Of Putin-Trump Meeting
Union Minister Anurag Thakur Turns Tables On Opposition In 'Vote Chori' War With 'Fake Voter' Data The BJP has turned the 'vote chori' debate into an all-out political slugfest, directly targeting Congress over alleged fake voters in Opposition strongholds. In a fiery press conference, BJP leader Anurag Thakur accused Sonia Gandhi of being on the voter list before becoming an Indian citizen and presented a detailed dossier exposing voter list anomalies in seats held by Rahul Gandhi, Priyanka Gandhi, Abhishek Banerjee, Akhilesh Yadav, Dimple Yadav, and MK Stalin. From duplicate entries to mass voter additions, the BJP claims a 'ghuspaithiya vote bank' fuels Opposition victories. The party says its proposed SIR system will clean voter rolls and expose decades of electoral malpractice. Rahul Gandhi has yet to respond to the BJP's fresh offensive.#bjp #congress #votechori #rahulgandhi #soniagandhi #anuragthakur #abhishekbanerjee #akhileshyadav #mkstalin #tmc #sp #dmk #indiapolitics #evmcontroversy #fakevoters #parliament #breakingnews #trending #trendingnow #toi #bharat #toibharat #indianews 29.8K views | 1 day ago


Indian Express
3 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Why many Chinese foreign affairs analysts reacted critically to PM Modi's likely China visit
On June 30, US President Donald Trump first threatened to impose a 25% tariff on Indian imports, over India's oil purchases from Russia amid the Ukraine war. Soon, there were speculations in the Indian media that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was likely to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) leaders' meet in Tianjin, China. The grouping includes nine member nations, including India, China, Pakistan and Russia. A possible reason for the visit, according to some Chinese analysts, was India seemingly hedging its options in global affairs. They called the move, if true, liang tou chi – or, 'to have the cake and eat it too.' Significantly, as soon as Washington escalated the trade offensive with an extra 25% tariff on certain imports, pushing the total levy to 50%, Beijing officially welcomed PM Modi's visit to attend the SCO summit. However, the news has drawn sharp reactions in China over the visit, which could happen after a seven-year gap. The official response in China PM Modi last visited China in 2018 on two occasions. First, in April for the India-China Informal Summit at Wuhan, and later in June for the SCO Heads of State meeting in Qingdao. This time, China's state-run Xinhua news agency and the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson have welcomed the visit, even before an official announcement from New Delhi. The Chinese Communist Party's English tabloid, Global Times, in a recent editorial, even criticised Western media reports interpreting the visit as a 'hedge against' the US, saying the countries had multiple common areas of cooperation. The other view, led by skeptics Those more suspicious of India's 'playing both sides' diplomacy in China have warned their government to remain vigilant. In a rare public defiance of a government decision, a reader wrote on a Chinese news website: 'India's 'allying with the US to resist China' and 'allying with China to deal with the US' — one is for 'resistance' and the other is for 'coping'. Can this be called 'maintaining a balance between China and the United States'?' Scholars in China have offered several explanations for such critical views: First, with economic and trade relations between India and the United States at a low point, India's readjustment of its relationship with China is seen as a key counterbalancing measure. For years, the US has also sought to develop closer ties with India, in part to counter China in Asia. But Chinese analysts are questioning how far India can truly go in improving relations with China in this context. Second, they are questioning that if the visit is not just a result of the US factor, will India a) agree to hold a summit meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the SCO meeting sidelines; and b) display a genuine commitment to go an extra mile in readjusting its 'leaning on one side' foreign policy towards the US. Third, on the same day as Trump's tariffs and news of the SCO visit came out, Trump announced a 'major breakthrough' in US-Russia negotiations. He is also now scheduled to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin. China's strategic affairs community, doubtful of India's commitment, is asking if Trump and Putin strike a 'deal' on Ukraine, India buying Russian oil may no longer be a problem. Will PM Modi still travel to China for the SCO summit? Simply, there remains a significant sense of distrust in China towards India, which is not exactly a new development. From the days of the Cold War, the Chinese establishment has found India's non-alignment policy to be suspicious, often believing that it is acting on behalf of the US under the guise of an autonomous foreign policy. With the collapse of the USSR and India's economic liberalisation, its deepening engagement with the US has added to this view in China. View of limited gains from PM Modi's visit Scholars in China have also questioned India's commitments in both the SCO and BRICS (including Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), stating that PM Modi attended just three of the last ten SCO leaders' meetings. They have also pointed to the June meeting in Qingdao for the SCO Defence Ministers, where Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh accused Pakistan of supporting cross-border terrorism, and refused to sign the SCO joint statement. Wang Yiwei, an influential International Relations scholar and professor at Beijing's People's University, has gone as far as to say that New Delhi actually did violate Western sanctions on Russia. 'The nature of China and India is different. China-Russia economic and trade relations have lasted for many years, but India has significantly increased its production of Russian oil after the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian war, which is regarded as a violation of Western sanctions. Moreover, India also resells Russian oil to Europe,' he wrote. Shift under Trump An overwhelming sense in China is that India has always pursued a policy of playing both sides. For example, on India being a member of the SCO and the US-led QUAD security dialogue (with Australia and Japan), a Chinese scholar cited PM Modi's previous remarks: 'India has never considered itself bound to a single security alliance.' Some scholars now believe that under Trump 2.0, this will change. Today, the relationship between New Delhi and Washington is undergoing major adjustments, with significant differences on many issues, including trade, diplomacy, and energy. Likewise, there are many pressing issues between China and India which not only limit the depth of China-India economic and trade cooperation but also damage mutual understanding and trust. Some of these include tensions at the border, 'reviewing' and suppressing Chinese capital, restricting visas for Chinese technical personnel, no direct flights between the two countries, India imposing numerous barriers on Chinese investments, etc. Reflecting the Chinese government's view, the GT editorial puts a condition for Modi's visit translating into improved bilateral relations, saying 'We welcome Prime Minister Modi to visit China with genuine intentions to improve bilateral ties…' At the same time, a WeChat social media commentary declared India a 'joke,' saying Trump's 'tariff terrorism' has left the country 'powerless' and without bargaining chips, reflecting the divergent views. Hemant Adlakha teaches Chinese at the Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. He is also Vice Chairperson and an Honorary Fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies (ICS), Delhi.